291 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Adee to Mr. Merrill. No. 139.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, September 10, 1889. SIR: I have received and read with interest your dispatch No. 257, of the 6th ultimo, touching the political situation at Honolulu, growing out of the recent controversy between the King and his cabinet. I am, etc., ALVEY A. ADEE, Acting Secretary. ___________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. No. 2 bis.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, September 25, 1889. SIR: I improve the opportunity to report to the Secretary of State that, taking the usual route of travel by train and steamer, I arrived with my family at Honolulu September 20, and on the following day communicated with the minister of foreign affairs, who promptly arranged the day and the hour for my reception by the King. Monday, September 23, His Majesty received me in the customary manner, when I presented my sealed letter of credence from the President. I inclose a printed slip containing my remarks and those of the King in reply. All the facts and incidents attending my reception at the Hawaiian capital have been most cordial and satisfactory, and I appreciate that I assume my post of duty here under highly favorable auspices. I have the honor, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. _______ [Inclosure in Mr. Steven's No 2 bis.] Mr. Merrill then presented to the King his excellency John L. Stevens, who addressed His Majesty in the following words: "MAY IT PLEASE YOUR MAJESTY: "SIRE: In presenting to His Majesty my letters of credence he will allow me to say that it is with an experience of pleasure that I am permitted to be the medium of communicating to him the good wishes of the President of the United States and of the sixty-five millions of people whom he ably and faithfully represents. It is in the spirit of international fraternity, which has greatly increased in force and elevation in recent times, that I am sent as the American agent to His Majesty's Government and to reside among the people of these beautiful islands, a cluster of gems in the Pacific Sea. It is proper for me to say, what His Majesty and Government well understand, that the Government and people of the United States cherish a deep interest in the prosperity and welfare of the Hawaiian Islands, so smiled upon by nature and so important to the future commerce and civilization of the countries contiguous to the Pacific. "Your autonomy secured by the good will of the great nations, all true statesmen and generous citizens of other lands must wish that your Government may be successful in securing order, prosperity, and happiness of all your people. Though separated by a thousand miles of ocean, the United States and the Hawaiian Kingdom make a part of the new world, whose reciprocal interests of commerce tend to unity and to all that is liberal in policy and beneficent in the arts of peace. If my residence among you shall in any way conduce to these pacific and desirable ends, it will be my good fortune to faithfully represent the wishes of the people and Government of the great American nation. 292 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. The following is a copy of the autograph letter from the President of the United States to His Majesty presented by his excellency John L. Stevens: Benjamin Harrison, President of the United States of America, to His Majesty Kalakaua, King of the Hawaiian Islands. GREAT AND GOOD FRIEND: I have made choice of John L. Stevens, one of our distinguished citizens to reside near the Government of Your Majesty in the quality of minister resident of the United States of America. He is well informed of the relative interests of the two countries and of our sincere desire to cultivate to the fullest extent the friendship which has so long subsisted between us. My knowledge of his high character and ability gives me entire confidence that he will constantly endeavor to advance the interest and prosperity of both Governments and so render himself acceptable to Your Majesty. I therefore request Your Majesty to receive him favorably and to give full credence to what he shall say on the part of the United States, and to the assurances which I have charged him to convey to you of the best wishes of this Government for the prosperity of the Hawaiian Islands. May God have Your Majesty in His wise keeping Written at Washington, the 26th day of June, in the year 1889. Your good friend, BENJ. HARRISON. By the President: JAMES G. BLAINE, Secretary of State. His Majesty replied to Mr. Stevens, as follows: "Mr. MINISTER: It is with pleasure that I receive from you the assurance of the continuance of the friendly regard of the President and the people of the American nation for the Sovereign and people of Hawaii. "And I am well pleased to welcome to a residence in my kingdom a gentleman who is the choice of my great and good friend, President Harrison, as the representative of the American Government and people. "The officers of my Government will be instructed to tender to you every attention and courtesy during your official residence in my dominions." His Majesty was attended on this occasion by the Hon. A. S. Cleghorn, H. R. H. Prince Kawananakoa, His Excellency Hon. Jona. Austin, minister of foreign affairs; James W. Robertson, esq., His Majesty's vice and acting chamberlain; Col. the Hon. Robert Hoapili Baker, A. D. C.; and Capt. the Hon. E. K. Lilikulani, equerry in waiting. _________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. No. 3.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, October 7, 1889. SIR: There is at the present time a lively interest among the Hawaiian citizens in regard to proposed changes in the treaty relations between the United States and these islands. By some means, as to which I have not accurate information, a draft of a new treaty found its way into the newspapers here hostile to the present ministry. This has caused an earnest discussion of the subject involved in the public journals and in private and commercial circles. This has led the cabinet to deem it expedient to publish a correction of false impressions and to express its real opinion as to the necessity and terms of a new treaty. I inclose a copy of the statement of the minister of foreign affairs, which has been published in the papers here. The facts, so far as they have come to my observation, lead me to conclusion that the chief opposition to the proposed new treaty arises from partisan opposition to the present ministry and from the representa- 293 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. tions of the English and French diplomatic agents, who have already called on the minister of foreign affairs to present their objections, which fact seems to have disturbed the ministry very little. I am much impressed by the strong American feeling pervading the best portion of the population, and which is especially manifest among the men of business and property. Their is no doubt that "reciprocity" is doing much to Americanize these islands and to bind them to the United States. I have, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. _______ [Pacific Commercial Advertiser.] Reply of the cabinet--A full explanation of the Government position in regard to the treaty question. The following is a copy of the reply of the cabinet delivered to the native mass-meeting committee Friday: Messrs. A. ROSA, J. L. KAULUKOU, J. F. COLBURN, AND OTHERS: GENTLEMEN: As a committee representing a public meeting of Hawaiian citizens you have asked from His Majesty's ministers certain information concerning their action in regard to the relations between this country and the United States of America. Feeling that it is the right of the people to know the policy of the administration, the ministers take pleasure in informing you that they have for a long time had under consideration the practicability of extending our treaty relations with the United States so as to enhance and increase both the commercial and political benefits which the two countries now enjoy by reason of existing treaties. As the result of nearly a year's consideration of this subject by the Cabinet, our minister resident at Washington has been instructed to ascertain whether the Government of the United States is willing to entertain propositions looking to the end above indicated, and, should he find such willingness to exist, he is instructed to open negotiations with that Government for the conclusion of a treaty which will effect the purposes hereunder indicated. This statement of the present status of the subject renders it unnecessary to say that no proposition has been made or accepted by the United States and that no treaty has been submitted to His Majesty for signature. reasons which have moved the cabinet to adopt the course above indicated are numerous, and while an exhaustive enumeration and discussion of such reasons would exceed the scope of the present reply, a summary of the more salient among them is as follows: 1. The history of our staple products during the past thirteen years has demonstrated how essential to our commercial prosperity are the advantages secured to us by the existing treaty. The development of our export trade from $2,241,041 in 1876 to $11,707,598 in 1888, during the life of that treaty, with its attendant advantages to all our citizens and residents, are witnesses of its stimulating effect upon our industries and commerce, and its beneficent influence upon our national welfare, and are fresh illustrations of the principle that no great material advantage can be enjoyed by any class dependent upon labor without the entire community partaking of such benefits. By the terms of the existing reciprocity treaty with the United States, notice of termination within one year thereafter may be given in five years from now. The interval between 1883 and 1887, during which time the treaty was subject to termination upon a year's notice, illustrated the evil effects to our commercial well-being of a dependence from year to year for the continuance of our treaty relations upon the uncertain humor of the American Congress. The uncertainty involved has an unsettling effect upon capital and is detrimental to the making of large permanent investments, many of which now contemplated requiring heavy preliminary expenses. With only the certainty of a five years' continuance of the treaty, the experience of the recent past in mind, and the strong probability that renewed and strenuous efforts will be made by our opponents in the United States to terminate the treaty at the end of the five years, it is the part of wisdom to prepare in the day of prosperity for the days that are to follow. 294 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 2. At the last session of the United States Congress there was developed a strong movement looking to the reduction of sugar duties and the payment of bounties upon sugar of American production. The effect of this would be to discriminate against Hawaiian sugars in favor of American, and materially reduce to us the value of the existing treaty without any corresponding benefit. We believe it to be the duty of the Hawaiian Government to endeavor to secure the placing of our products upon the same basis as American products in respect of bounties and privileges. 3. The existing treaty is limited in its extent. A large number of American products still pay duties in the Islands, while the products admitted by the treaty free of duty into the ports of the United States are practically limited to sugar, rice, bananas, hides, and tallow. There are many articles which might be profitably produced here, upon lands which are not available for products now admitted under the treaty, were there a market for them. If a mutual agreement can be arrived at whereby the products of either country can be admitted free into the other, a great stimulus will be given to new industries in the Islands, resulting in an increase of exports and of domestic and foreign shipping; the bringing into cultivation and increasing in value of many lands now waste; the consequent improvement in all departments of business, and a corresponding benefit to the United States by the increase in our imports to meet the necessary increased consumption by our people. We believe that the additional value which each country would receive would many times over compensate them for the loss of the duties now levied. 4. The Hawaiian Islands are now the only group in the Pacific which is wholly self-governing. Our situation is peculiar. We have no military or naval strength of our own to maintain our autonomy against the pettiest naval power; and we have to-day no guarantee of our continued independence as against any foreign nation other than the sufferance or the mutual jealousies of the great powers. Within the last few years the police of annexation has prevailed among the European nations interested in Polynesia, which has resulted in the rapid absorption of nearly all the Pacific islands. Within the year last past we have seen Samoa lose her position as a self-governing state. The acts of her Government are now subject to the approval of the Governments of the United States, England, and Germany, and had it not been for the good offices of the United States Government the probability is that she would have ere now been annexed by one or more European nations. Within the past year the question of the disposition and absorption of the Hawaiian Islands, as well as of Samoa, has been the subject of serious consideration by certain of the nations interested in the Pacific. The cabinet are of the opinion that the interests of this country, and of every race and industry resident or located therein, will be best served by the continuance of its present independent state, free from any protectorate or control on the part of any foreign government. It is, and ever will be, the endeavor of the present administration to not only unqualifiedly maintain this status, but to obtain such assurances and guarantees thereof as will remove the question from the debatable politics of the world. It has long been the custom of European nations to form alliances with neighboring countries for purposes of defense, safety, and commercial exchange. The time has, in the opinion of the cabinet, arrived when we should follow a precedent so well established and form an alliance with some great nation. If an alliance of this character is desirable it should be in the direction where our greatest interest lies. The proximity of the United States, the cordial friendship which has been from the commencement of our civilization a marked characteristic of our relations with the American people, and the extensive commercial exchanges which are the result of such relations, point inevitably to that great country as our best friend, our most valuable commercial colleague, and our natural political ally. Animated as we are by the desire to strengthen and extend the commercial ties which have done so much for our national prosperity, and to secure the safety and perpetuation of our institutions by an alliance whereby we shall have the positive and efficacious guarantee of a strong friend against interference by itself or others with our perfect autonomy, independence, and sovereignty, we have instructed our representative at Washington to ascertain if the United States would be willing to negotiate with us a convention whereby the following objects may be secured: First. To continue in force all treaties and conventions now existing between the two nations, until they shall find it mutually advantageous to abrogate or modify such treaties or conventions, or any of them. 295 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Second. That all products of either country which are by virtue of the reciprocity treaty admitted free of duty into the other country shall be treated in respect of bounties paid, exemptions or immunities, and in all other respects, as if such other articles were of the growth, produce, or manufacture of the country into which they are so admitted. Third. To provide for the entry into either of the two countries, without payment of duty, of all products of the other, excepting, however, opium, spirituous liquors of more than 18 per cent alcoholic strength, and all articles prohibited by law in either country. Fourth. A positive and efficacious guarantee by the United States Government of the perfect independence and autonomy of the Hawaiian Government in all its dominions, and its right of sovereignty over such dominions. To enable the United States Government to do this without danger of complication with other powers, we do agree not to negotiate treaties with other nations without the knowledge of the United States Government. The cabinet, for more than a year, has studied carefully many reasons for and against the points submitted for negotiation, and has taken counsel with others, both connected and unconnected with the Government, and has considered various propositions and suggestions, some of which have been approved and some disapproved. Any statements of objects or intentions, and any purported draft of a treaty stating more or other than is above indicated, which may have been published, are unfounded and incorrect. The ministers are strongly and unanimously of the opinion that the accomplishment of the objects above indicated will tend to greatly increase the material prosperity of the country and perpetuate the independence of Hawaii and the sovereignty of His Majesty and his successors over all his dominions. I have the honor, on behalf of the cabinet, to remain Your obedient servant, JONA. AUSTIN, Minister Foreign Affairs. FOREIGN OFFICE, October 4, 1889. _______ Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens. No. 5.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, October 16, 1889. SIR: I have received your No. 2 bis. of the 25th ultimo, and the copy which you inclose of the interesting addresses made on the occasion of presenting your credentials to the King of the Hawaiian Islands. I am, etc., JAMES G. BLAINE. __________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. [Confidential] No. 6.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, October 17, 1889. SIR: My predecessor in charge of this legation, Mr.. Merrill, in his dispatch 255, dated August 1, 1889, informed the Department of State of the revolutionary attempt made July 30 by certain disaffected persons under the lead of Robert W. Wilcox and Robert Boyd, two half-breed Hawaiians, aided by a Belgian named Loomens. For the past two weeks the trial of the participants in this revolutionary effort has been going on in Honolulu before Chief Justice Judd, of the supreme court of the kingdom. Loomens, being a Belgian citizen, has been tried before a jury of white men, here termed a foreign jury. Robert Boyd, 296 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. one of the chief conspirators, turned state's evidence, and after a careful and impartial trial, as to which even his counsel made no complaint, Loomens was convicted of treason, though recommended to mercy, and several others have pleaded guilty or been convicted of riotous proceedings. The trial is tending plainly to show that the Hawaiians are numerously in sympathy with Wilcox, who is to be tried by a native jury, and whose conviction is regarded as very doubtful. It is proper for me to convey the confidential information that so far as the examination of witnesses and the general course of the trials tend, in the opinion of many persons here, to implicate the King, at least in sympathy with the revolutionary movement, neither the Government attorney nor the counsel of the accused seem to mince words or spare His Majesty, and the court rules with independence and firmness.* I herewith inclose the charge of the chief justice in the case of Loomens, as published verbatim in the Commercial Advertiser. It is probable that when the trial of Wilcox takes place there will be an expression of native Hawaiian sentiment which may be indicative of the general opposition of the native Hawaiian voters at the election which is to occur in February. The feelings of hostility to the Government at the present time is being stimulated by foreign agitators, who are taking advantage of the simplicity of the natives for the promotion of their political and private ends. Out of these trials and the passions and prejudices they invoke may arise some disturbance in the near future, of which the February election for members of the two houses of the legislature may furnish the occasion. I will endeavor to keep the Department of State informed as to the course of events so far as they may be of importance. I have, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. _________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. No. 7.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, October 18, 1889. SIR: In forwarding to the Department of State my dispatch 2, of September 26, 1889, containing an account of my first reception by the King, and the presentation of my letter of credence, I inclosed a printed copy of my remarks and of His Majesty's reply. On second thought I conclude that I should have sent the addresses in writing; therefore, I forward the inclosed and ask that the same be placed on file instead of the printed copies. I ask the indulgence of the Department for the error which I seek hereby to correct. I have, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS _____ The following is the text of my remarks on being presented to the King: "SIRE: In presenting to His Majesty my letter of credence he will allow me to say that it is with an experience of pleasure that I am permitted to be the medium of communicating to him the good wishes of the President of the United States and of the sixty-five millions of people whom he ably and faithfully represents. it is in the spirit of international fraternity which has greatly increased in force and elevation in recent times that I am sent as the American agent to His Majesty's __________________________________________________________________________________ (*See following No. 7.) 297 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Government and to reside among the people of these beautiful islands, a cluster of gems in the Pacific Sea. :It is proper for me to say what His Majesty and Government well understand, that the Government and people of the United States cherish a deep interest in the prosperity and welfare of the Hawaiian Islands, so smiled upon by nature and so important to the future commerce and civilization of the countries contiguous to the Pacific. The autonomy of your country secured by the good will of the great nations, all true statesmen and generous citizens of other lands must wish that your Government may be successful in securing order, prosperity, and happiness to all your people. Though separated by a thousand miles of ocean, the United States and the Hawaiian Kingdom make a part of that new world whose reciprocal interests of commerce tend to unity and to all that is liberal in policy and beneficial in the arts of peace. If my residence among you shall in any way conduce to these pacific and desirable ends it will be my good fortune to faithfully represent the people and Government of the great American nation." His Majesty replied to Mr. Stevens as follows: "Mr. MINISTER: It is with pleasure that I receive from you the assurance of the continuance of the friendly regard of the President and the people of the American nation for the sovereign and people of Hawaii. "I am well pleased to welcome to a residence in my kingdom a gentleman who is the choice of my great and good friend, President Harrison, as the representative of the American Government and people. "The officers of my Government will be instructed to tender to you every attention and courtesy during your official residence in my dominions." _________ Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens. No. 6.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, October 31, 1889. SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your Nos. 1, 2, 2bis, and 3; also of Mr. Merrill's Nos. 257-265, one of which (No. 264) contains his inventory of the archives and property of the legation. I am etc., JAMES G. BLAINE. _________ Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens. No. 7.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, November 4, 1889. SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your interesting dispatch of the 17th ultimo, relating to the trial of the persons concerned in the revolutionary movement of July 30 last, at Honolulu. I am, etc., JAMES G. BLAINE. _________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. No. 10.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, November 4, 1889. SIR: In my dispatch No. 6, dated October 17, 1889, I gave the information that the persons engaged in the riotous and revolutionary movement of July 30, 1889, were being tried before the chief justice of the Kingdom, and that Loomens, the Belgian, had been convicted of treason. 298 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Others of the accused have been convicted of conspiracy or have pleaded guilty of that offense. But those convicted were tried before a foreign jury, for the reason that they were not native Hawaiians. Since the date of my former communication Wilcox, the half-caste Hawaiian, the leader in the revolutionary attempt, has been tried before a native jury, and after an elaborate and able prosecution by the Government, in which his guilt was conclusively proved by his own testimony, as well as by that of numerous witnesses, he has been acquitted by a jury vote of 9 to 3, a unanimous vote not being necessary for conviction nor acquittal under the Hawaiian laws. This preponderance of native opinion in favor of Wilcox, as expressed by the native jury, fairly represented the popular native sentiment throughout these islands in regard to his effort to overthrow the present ministry and to change the constitution of 1887, so as to restore to the King the power he possessed under the former constitution, which the natives believe would tend to give them more predominance in the Kingdom. What will be the ultimate effect of this failure of the Government to convict the chief leader in the revolutionary attempt of July 30, I will not now presume to predict. The immediate consequence is certainly injurious to public order and good government, and indicates that tendency of opinion among Hawaiian natives which is likely to find strong expression in the national election which is to take place in February. It is admitted by all of the most intelligent and best citizens here that the present Government is the wisest and most efficient which this country has ever had, and should it be defeated and thrown out by the native Hawaiian voters under their present leadership, it would afford occasion of regret to all true friends of Hawaiian independence and Hawaiian prosperity. I have, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. ___________ Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens. No. 8.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, November 6, 1889. SIR: I transmit for your confidential information a copy of a letter from the Secretary of the Navy, and its inclosure, relating to the political situation in Hawaii; also, a copy of the reply of this Department. I am, etc., JAMES G. BLAINE. _____ [Inclosure 1 in No. 8.] Mr. Tracy to Mr. Blaine. NAVY DEPARTMENT, Washington, November 1, 1889. SIR: I have the honor to inclose herewith, for the information of the Department of State, a copy of a report dated the 18th instant, from Rear-Admiral L. A. Kimberly, commanding the United States naval force on the Pacific station, with reference to the political situation in the Hawaiian Islands. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, B. F. TRACY, Secretary of the Navy. The SECRETARY OF STATE. 299 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. [Inclosure in Inclosure 1 in No. 8.] Rear-Admiral Kimberly to Mr. Tracy. No. 165d.] U.S. FLAGSHIP ALERT (THIRD RATE), Honolulu, October 18, 1889/ SIR: I have to report that, politically speaking, quietness prevails at present. There is an agitation quietly working as to the race question, which no doubt will become a prominent factor in the elections that come off in February. The natives seem to have an uneasy feeling as to their rights being unsurped by the whites and their gradual loss of prestige and power in the Government as laid down in the principles of the present constitution, which, to their ideas, circumscribes too much the kingly power. It would promote a feeling of security to our own people, and, I think, other foreigners, if at the February elections we had a force here competent to preserve order should necessity arise. Very respectfully , your obedient servant, L. A. KIMBERLY, Rear-Admiral U. S. Navy, Commanding U. S. Naval Force on Pacific Station. The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. ________ [Inclosure 2 in No. 8.] Mr. Blaine to Mr. Tracy. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, November 6, 1889. SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of 1st instant and of the copy of Rear-Admiral Kimberly's report of the 18th ultimo, which you inclose, on the political situation in Hawaii. In view of his opinion that the security of our citizens there would be promoted "If, at the February elections," the United States had a force in those waters competent to preserve order should the necessity arise, I trust that your Department may find it convenient to make such dispositions in that quarter as will subserve the desired object. I am, etc., JAMES G. BLAINE. __________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. No. 11.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, November 14, 1889. SIR: A careful survey of the present political situation in these islands and a due regard to my responsibility lead me to make this communication to the Department of State. Of the recent revolutionary attempt to overthrow the present Hawaiian Government and to change the constitution in a retrograde direction the several dispatches of my predecessor and of the undersigned, have informed you. Beaten at their attempt by violence in July, Wilcox and his coadjutors are preparing to accomplish their purposes at the ensuing election of the members of the legislature in February. Apparently they are uniting the natives, who constitute nearly two-thirds of the voters, in the effort to obtain a native and revolutionary majority, and to some extent have enlisted the sympathies of the Chinese, who are not voters, but some of whom use their money to assist the natives in their political designs. Generally the principal land-owners and men of business and property are uniting in support of the present Government, regarding it the best the country has ever had. The complex character of the 300 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. population tends to complicate the political situation, and the most intelligent and thoughtful citizens are anxious about the immediate future. The past of these islands, since 1835, has shown the usefulness of American naval vessels in the harbor of Honolulu. The revolutionary outbreak of July 30 strongly illustrated this. It is the opinion of the best-informed American residents here that one or more of our naval vessels should be constantly at Honolulu, at least until after the February election and the result of it has been fully tested, and with this view I fully agree, after mature investigation and deliberation. I think the probabilities are against any serious outbreak and that the crisis will passed safely, but there are possibilities of riot and loss of life, unless prevented by a naval force in the harbor, of which the agitator and the unruly of the natives and of the foreign nationalities have salutary fear. I presume the necessary instructions have already been given to our naval commanders in the Pacific, and so far as I have observed, Admiral Kimberly is alive to any contingency of danger and duty. None the less do I regard it my duty to report the facts to the Secretary of State, and to urge strongly that there be no possible failure of the retention here of one or more of our vessels of war, with the usual instruction to the officers in command as to an emergency of need. I have, etc., JOHN. L. STEVENS. _______ Mr. Adee to Mr. Stevens. [Confidential.] No. 11.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, November 16, 1889. SIR: I herewith inclose for your confidential information a copy of the instructions addressed by the Secretary of the Navy ( and received with his letter of the 13th instant) to the commanding officer of the United States naval force on the Pacific station, relative to the retention of a sufficient number of vessels of his fleet in Hawaiian waters during the approaching February elections for the prompt protection of American interests, should occasion arise. I am, etc., ALVEY A. ADEE, Acting Secretary. _____ [Inclosure No. 11.] Mr. Tracy to Mr. Blaine. NAVY DEPARTMENT, Washington, November 13, 1889. SIR: Referring to your letter of the 6th instant concurring in the opinion of Rear-Admiral Kimberly that security to out citizens there would be promoted if at the February elections the United States had a force in Hawaiian waters competent to preserve order, should necessity arise. The Department incloses herewith for your information a copy of its instructions issued this day to that officer for his guidance. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, B. F. TRACY, Secretary of the Navy. 301 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. [Inclosure in Inclosure in No. 11.] Mr. Tracy to Rear-Admiral Kimberly. NAVY DEPARTMENT, Washington, November 13, 1889. SIR: Referring to your letter No. 165 of the 18th ultimo with reference to the political situation in the Hawaiian Islands, and in which you state that "it would promote a feeling of security to out people and I think to other foreigners if at the February elections the United States had a force here competent to preserve order should necessity arise," the Department directs that you will keep as many of the vessels of your command in Hawaiian waters as you may deem expedient for the purpose of carrying out the object in view. A copy of the letter from the honorable the Secretary of State, concurring in your opinion as to the desirability of such action, is inclosed herewith for your information. Very respectfully, B.F. TRACY, Secretary of the Navy. ___________ Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens. No. 12.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, December 3, 1889. SIR: I have received your No. 11 of the 14th ultimo, confirmatory of the statements of previous dispatches touching the importance of retaining one or more of our naval vessels in Hawaiian waters until after the elections of February next. You were informed by instruction, No. 11 of the 16th ultimo, of the action of the Secretary of the Navy in this regard. You can exhibit to the naval officers concerned copies of the dispatches referred to, and will in general keep such officers advised of any political events of importance. I am, etc., JAMES G. BLAINE. __________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. [Confidential.] No. 17.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, February 6, 1890. SIR: I improve the earliest opportunity to inform the Department of State as to the result of the election in the Hawaiian Islands, which took place this week, February 5. It was for the choice of the 48 nobles and representatives which compose the national legislature that is largely to control the country the next two years. It has been looked forward to with the deepest interest by all the native and foreign residents, and the discussion and agitation have been very heated and determined, and on the part of the opponents of the present ministry extremely bitter and unscrupulous. The result is a triumph of the opponents of the present ministry and of the reform constitution. The election was conducted with exceeding fairness by the legal authorities, and the polls were kept open from 8 in the morning until 5 in the after- 302 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. noon. The most complete quiet and good order prevailed in all the voting precincts of Honolulu. An election conducted in the most intelligent and moral of American rural towns could be no more orderly. The ministry had taken the most careful precautions for the maintenance of order; the liquor saloons were closed, the ballot was secret, and both parties worked with the utmost determination and precision to get their supporters to the polls. This defeat of the existing Government is deeply to be regretted, for it has been accomplished by a most reckless appeal to race prejudices and to all the elements of corruption and disorder in the Kingdom. It is well known to the Department of State that in July, 1887, the best citizens of these islands, composed of most of the property holders, the men of business, and the professions, chiefly American, English, and Germans--largely of the first named--were driven to a revolution, accomplished without bloodshed, resulting in the overthrow of the corrupt Gibson rule and the adoption of the reform constitution, by which the chief power was taken from the King and given to the Legislature and a responsible ministry. It has been under this constitution that the country has been governed the past two and a half years with signal success. Few of our American States in that time have had their affairs more honestly conducted, their laws more faithfully administered. Two of the ministers are of the best American stock, the sons of missionaries, and another, the minister of foreign affairs, was born and educated in the State of New York, though he has been many years identified with this country. These three men have done their utmost to govern the Kingdom wisely and honestly. To do this they have been obliged to resist the King and all the worst elements of the islands. Among these are the men who thrived on former maladministration, whose plundering devices had been brought to an end. I am sorry to say that some of the worst men in bringing about the triumph of reaction are Americans, either by birth or adoption. Yet so successfully has been the new constitution and the reform administration that the opposition party was obliged to pledge itself in speech and platform not to return to the former state of things, and to promise to carry on the Government according to the terms of the present constitution, which has so deeply intrenched itself in the existing state of things as not to be easily overthrown. Among the successfully party there are some large property-holders, who will be driven to restrain their political associates, and these, with the determined efforts of the minority reform party, will be likely to keep the country to constitutional rule in a considerable degree. It is proper for me to say that among the leaders of the party just successfully at the polls are those not friendly to the United States, and that the Department of State and this legation will have to deal with the incoming ministry with great caution and circumspection. The new legislature will meet in May, when a new ministry undoubtedly will be chosen. In a future dispatch I will give the result of my most careful observations as to the status of things here relative to the interests of the United States and her immediate duties and responsibilities as to these islands. I have, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. N.B.--Above I have given the present estimate here of the election result. It is possible that full returns from the other islands may not sustain the present hopes of the reactionists. 303 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. [Confidential.] No. 18.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, February 10, 1890. SIR: I am pleased to be able to report to the Department of State that the slight hope which was expressed in the postscript of my dispatch, No. 17, February 7, that full election returns from all these islands might prove the success of the reform party and of the present ministry has been fully realized in fact. While Honolulu and the rest of this island elected but one reformer out of seventeen, the other islands have supported so generally the present Government as to give the reformers a small majority in the legislature, and the reactionists' majority in Honolulu on nobles is so small that a change of 75 votes would have given the reformers all of them, and thus have secured them two-thirds of the legislature. The opposition in this election contest has had the support of the King and of all his dependents and parasites and the chief element of corruption in the Kingdom. The issue has been made largely between those who have American sympathies and interests on the side of the reformers and of the present ministry, while all the worst element of society and violent race prejudices have been with the opposition. It is safe to say that three-fourths of the property-holders of the Kingdom are with the reformers and favorable to good relations with the United States. Herewith I inclose duplicate copies of clippings from Honolulu papers, containing editorials and speeches of Hon. L. A. Thurston, minister of interior, the most influential member of the reform party and the most resolute of the four cabinet ministers, the grandson of a missionary who came to these islands from his native State, Connecticut, more than sixty years ago. These remarks of Mr. Thurston are an index of the direction the political contest here has taken. The German consul openly gave his influence to the reformers. Probably a majority of the English voters went with the reformers, while there is a little doubt that the English and French commissioners desired the success of the opposition. I have, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. _______ [The Times, Saturday, February 1, 1890.] America's unfailing friendship to Hawaii, and to all nationalities within our borders, reaffirmed.--Hawaiian history and its application to present issues. [A reply by L. A. Thurston to the National Herald.] The Herald does me the honor of devoting practically its whole English issue of the 31st of January to a criticism of my remarks at the armory on Thursday evening. If the subject-matter related to me personally, only, I should not think of intruding upon the public at this juncture, when important issues demand the undivided attention of the reading public. But the subject-matter is so involved with an issue of vital import to the country, which issue awaits decision on the 5th of this month, that I make no further excuse for this statement. I would first call attention to the circumstances under which, and the reasons for the allusion to the history of this country in connection with France, England, and the United States. It has been publicly stated by the cabinet that they have initiated negotiations with the United States for the purpose of extending and rendering more permanent our present treaty relations with the United States. The points concerning which the cabinet proposes negotiations, and the reasons therefor, have been publicly stated in all detail. It has also been publicly and offi- 304 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. cially stated that negotiations are preliminary in their character, of a nature necessary to bring the question up for discussion and action by the legislature, and that no final action is to be taken without full submission to and the approval of the legislature. The published statement of the objects sought is a full enumeration of all that the cabinet has in view. The treaty sought is, we believe, a like preservative of the honor, dignity, and independence of the two countries, and conducive to their mutual commercial prosperity. Without foundation therefor, regardless of the grave consequences of interference with the cordial relations existing between the two countries and solely for partisan influence upon the coming election, the gentlemen constituting the opposition to the present administration have for months filled the ears of the public, more particularly the native Hawaiians, with violent appeals and false statements concerning the intentions of the cabinet and of the United States. This has been the key-note of their whole campaign. They have placed their whole reliance upon the ignorance of the people of the facts and the prejudice which their misrepresentations have produced. They have worked up and are still working up, by every disingenuous method, a strong distrust, prejudice, and antagonism in the minds of many of the native people toward the United States upon a wholly false basis and by an entire perversion of facts and history. Under these circumstances it was due the United States and essential to the welfare of Hawaii that the long-tried, continued, and more than generous friendship of the United States toward Hawaii should be stated, and the most signal and complete illustration of it, heretofore secret history, made public. In order to do this intelligently it was necessary to state the historical facts which in logical sequence led up to it. For this purpose, and thus far only, was reference made to early history and the relations of Hawaii with other countries. The Herald charges that I have "purposely and knowingly garbled and misstated Hawaiian history for political purposes," and that the demands of the French in 1849 and 1851 were based upon the differences existing between the two countries in 1839. In proof, and as sole proof, of these charges and statements, it prints a letter, dated 1839, signed by the "Hon. J. C. Jones, then American consul," and five other foreign residents, laudatory of Laplace and his actions in 1839. The reference to the occurrences of 1839 in my argument at the armory was simply incidental in its nature, those events chronologically preceding the events of '49 and '51, and being illustrative of the arbitrary methods employed in those days in settling differences with this country in its weakness, the approved method being to submit peremptory demands and require immediate compliance therewith, with the alternative of the loss of independence. Otherwise the occurrences of 1839 are entirely unconnected with the events of '49 and '51, and that the incidents and moving causes of the former are unessential to an understanding of the events of the latter period, except to illustrate the fact that redress for real or imaginary wrongs was obtained in those days by force. The religious intolerance displayed by the Hawaiian Government during its early history toward the Catholic faith and its believers is a portion of the history of this country which every lover of the good fame of the nation and of religious liberty regrets. It is no more and no less excusable than have been much more serious acts of religious intolerance perpetrated at different periods of their history by enlightened England, France, and New England. Suffice it to say that the letter published by the Herald is a mere chip upon the stream of literature concerning the subject, which occupies hundreds of pages of diplomatic correspondence and volumes of contemporaneous history, written by the immediate parties interested upon both sides. Had my object been to discuss the religious differences of the time, there is far stronger documentary evidence on both sides concerning the subject than the letter referred to by the Herald. In proof of the fact that the difficulties with France in 1849 and 1851, which caused the execution of the treaty of cession to the United States, I cite the following facts: 1. The further merits or demerits of the Laplace controversy are not germain to this issue. It is sufficient to say that, whatever the feelings of the Hawaiians on the subject, the French were satisfied and Laplace sailed away, which the Herald itself cites a letter to prove. 2. In 1839, a month before the arrival of Laplace, the Government had discontinued the policy of intolerance towards the Catholics, and in 1840 the King promulgated a constitution, guaranteeing religious liberty to all. 3. In 1843, England and France executed the famous "recognition" treaty, which was distinctly looked upon as a mark of friendly approval of the Hawaiian Government by those two countries. 305 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 4. In 1844, France voluntarily returned to the Hawaiian Government the $20,000 which had been exacted by Laplace in 1839, the original packages of money being sent back in a French warship, specially detailed for that purpose; the return being accompanied with considerable ceremonial and mutual expressions of friendship and regard. 5. In 1845, the late Bishop Maigret, who, during his long life here, held the confidence and respect of all classes and nationalities, irrespective of religious faith, wrote to Capt. Le Compt, of the French ship L'Heroine, as follows: "HONOLULU, Aug. 7, 1845. "M. COMMANDANT: "I am happy to be able to inform you that we enjoy, at this moment, perfect tranquility, that all our old subjects of complaint have entirely disappeared, and that it is, in a great part, to the conduct, prudent and full of sagacity, of our estimable consul, that we owe this happy result. "The number of our neophytes amounts to-day to 14,000. We have a hundred schools and nearly 3,000 children who attend them; sites for our churches have been granted to us. Our schoolmasters have been licensed, and have even received encouragement. The marriages of our Christians are no longer thwarted. We can not, then, do otherwise than give our praises of the Government in respect to us, and we pray you instantly 'to be pleased to instruct the Admiral.' "Be pleased to receive the assurance of the perfect consideration, with which I have the honor to be M. Commandant, "your very humble and obedient servant, "L. D. MAIGRET. "Monsier LE COMPT, "Commandant of the French Corvette L'Heroine." 6. In 1846 Bishop Maigret wrote a precisely similar letter. 7. In 1846 a new treaty was concluded with France, eliminating the harsh terms of the treaty of Laplace 1839. This produced an exceedingly friendly feeling toward France, which continued unbroken until, unhappily for both parties, M. Dudoit retired in 1848 from the French consulship and M. Dillon was appointed in his place. M. Dillon immediately initiated a systematic and irritating interference in the internal affairs of the Kingdom, arising largely out of personal hostility to R. C. Wyllie, minister of foreign affairs, picking flaws and making matters of extended diplomatic correspondence over circumstances of trifling importance. This continued until 1849, when the French Admiral Tromelin arrived, and after a short conference with M. Dillon the celebrated "ten demands" were formulated and presented to the Hawaiian Government with the peremptory request for immediate action. None of these demands referred to or mentioned the events of 1839. Pending negotiations for the settlement of these demands the unprovoked spoliation of the fort, the destruction of the governor's furniture, and the seizure and removal of the King's private yacht took place, and Admiral Tromelin sailed away without further enforcement of the demands. 8. In 1850 Hawaiian representatives went to France and attempted to obtain reparation for the losses and indignities sustained and to come to an understanding to prevent a repetition of them, but without results. 9. In 1851 a new French consul, M. Perin, was appointed. Upon his arrival here he immediately, to the surprise of every one, re-presented the same "ten demands " which had been presented in 1849 by M. Dillion, although part of them had been already settled. An immediate compliance with the demands was required. 10. In 1849 and 1851 the foreign residents of Honolulu of all factions and all nationalities were a unite in favor of the Hawaiian Government and against the demands of France. This is evidenced by the fact that one of the ten demands for payment of damages to M. Victor was immediately paid by subscription by the foreign merchants under the following circumstances, as appears by the correspondence hereunder set forth. "HONOLULU, September 1, 1849. "SIR: I have the honor to inclose you a copy of the subscription list signed by the most respectable portion of the foreigners residing in Honolulu, unconnected with the Government, together with the copies of the account of Victor Chancerel and his receipt, of which documents (bearing testimony as to the feeling of the community towards Her Hawaiian Majesty's Government in connection with the French claim, towards the officers and crew of Her Britannic Majesty's ship Amphitrite) you will make such use as you may deem proper. "I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, "H. SEA. "His Excellency R.C. WYLLIE, "Minister of Foreign Relations." F R 94--APP II----20 306 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. [Inclosure 1.] Understanding that one of the demands of the French against the Hawaiian Government is for damages claimed by M. Victor, for disorderly conduct of some of the seamen belonging to Her Britannic Majesty's ship Amphitrite, we, the undersigned, not wishing any stain to rest on the Amphitrite or crew, agree to liquidate said claim: G. W. Hunter......................................................... $3.50 Dugald Mactavish...................................................... $3.50 Sea & Sumners..................................................... 3.50 W. J. Robertson......................................................... 2.00 W. Wond................................................................ 3.50 William Gill................................................................. 3.50 A. Porter............................................................... 3.50 J. Macduff.................................................................... 2.00 H. Macfarlane...................................................... 3.50 James Austin............................................................... 2.00 F. Withington....................................................... 3.50 R. S. Barker.................................................................. 2.00 James Robinson & Co.......................................... 7.00 D. N. Flitner................................................................. 3.50 Isaac Montgomery.............................................. 3.50 Makee & Anthon......................................................... 3.50 John Meek............................................................ 3.50 A. B. Howe..................................................................... 3.50 Robert G. Davis.................................................... 3.50 Swan & Clifford............................................................ 3.50 J. C. Spalding........................................................ 3.50 W. Phillips.................................................................... 2.00 Andrew Auld........................................................ 1.00 Everett & Co.................................................................. 3.50 C. H. Marshall....................................................... 1.00 S. W. Williams & Co...................................................... 3.50 J. M. Stanley......................................................... 3.50 A. H. Fayerweather..................................................... 2.00 C. P. Robinson...................................................... 3.50 A. H. Parker.................................................................. 2.00 Joseph Booth........................................................ 3.50 T. Cummins................................................................... 3.00 E. Brown................................................................ 3.50 George Friel................................................................. 2.00 George Pelly......................................................... 3.50 Samuel Thompson...................................................... 2.00 A much larger sum was subscribed, but as so many persons wished to sign, the amount of subscription was lowered as above. H. SEA. [Inclosure 2.] HONOLULU, August 30, 1847. Received of Henry Sea, esq., the sum of $93.50, being amount claimed by me against H. B. M.'s Amphitrite for damages done by her crew at the French hotel, kept by me in Honolulu, and being one of the demands made by Admiral de Tromelin against the Hawaiian Government. $93.50. V. CHANCEREL. Witness to signature, WM. SUMNER. A true copy of original receipt in my possession. H. SEA. It will be noticed that many nationalities are represented in this document, and two of the signers of the document of 1839, John Meek and George Pelly, were also signers of the above document, which they would not have been had the circumstances of the then French demand been based upon the differences of 1839. The "Hon. J. C. Jones" had left the country. Incidentally it may be stated that Mr. Jones was not United States consul in 1839, he having been removed from that office by his own Government, in 1838, on account of his disreputable character. 11. The unsubstantial nature of the French claims of 1849 and 1851 are evidenced by the fact that upon a knowledge of the situation relating to the United States coming to the French consul he withdrew the "ten demands" and substituted in place thereof a mild statement of four points which was presented for the "consideration" of the Hawaiian Government, which points were thereupon referred by M. Perin to his Government for consideration, and nothing further was ever said or done about the "ten demands." There continued to be disconnected diplomatic correspondence with France upon various subjects until 1857, when a treaty was concluded with her much more favorable in its terms to Hawaii than any of the three previous treaties with France. Since that date our relations with France have been without cause of complaint, and we are indebted to the French Government and people for many acts of kindness and courtesy, and are now upon the most cordial terms with France. In view of the fact that the early religious difficulties between the Hawaiian Government and members of the Catholic faith have been practically made the basis of the charges against me, it is not inappropriate for me to here say for the last forty or fifty years the Catholic bishops and their subordinates in this country have ever been the warm friends of the Hawaiian Government during its many succeeding administrations, and the staunch supporters of peace and good order during the 307 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. many trying periods through which the country has been called upon to pass; and that this has been largely due to the highminded and liberal character of the late Bishop Maigret and his successors, by reason of which the Catholic and Protestant faiths have flourished in the country, side by side, with little or no friction. Concerning the personal abuse heaped upon me by the Herald, I have nothing to say. Concerning the aspersions upon the character of my ancestors in this country, I would say that their records are too deeply engraven upon the history of this country to require any defense by me. If I have disproved the charge of having "purposely and knowingly garbled and misstated Hawaiian history for political purposes," I claim that, in the interest of civilized journalism, the responsible editor of the Herald should, at least, admit that he was misinformed as to the facts upon which he based his charges. In conclusion, I here reaffirm the fact, which was the only point I sought to establish at the armory, that the United States of America has always, under all circumstances, and upon all occasions, been our true friend, and that she has ever exhibited toward, and extended to, the native Hawaiians and all residents of other nationalities dwelling within the borders of Hawaii, without discrimination of race or creed, the same unchanging kindly assistance, support, and good faith, and there is no indication of any change of such policy. LORRIN A. THURSTON. HONOLULU, February 1, 1890. _______ A rousing meeting.-A large gathering of citizens interested in reform at the Old Armory. Yesterday evening a mass meeting of the fourth ward was held at the Old Armory. There was a large attendance, including many prominent citizens. The meeting throughout was of the most enthusiastic nature. It was called to order by Mr. J. H. Fisher, who nominated Mr. Theodore C. Porter as chairman amid applause. Mr. E. O. White undertook the duties of secretary, and Mr. Luther Wilcox was interpreter. Mr. Porter said they had met to hear the views and expressions of their candidates and others. He would first call upon his excellency Mr. Thurston, minister of the interior. Mr. L. A. Thurston, who was received with applause, said: The course of the opposition for the last few weeks reminds me of a statement recently made by Chauncey M. Depew in connection with the recent election in New York. He stated that formerly the Democratic party learned nothing and forgot nothing, that its present exponents learned nothing and forgot everything. That is just the situation with the present opposition, although the country has a history concerning its relations with France, England, and the United States for the past fifty years they have learned nothing from it, and have forgotten all of it that they ever knew. They ignore facts and history and are running a campaign on ignorance and prejudice. They are pursuing the same course and using the same incendiary arguments and appeals to race feeling that they did prior to the 30th of July last. It led to bloodshed then and will not be their fault if it does not lead to bloodshed now. The question of our relations with our great neighbor is a live issue with us. It affects us, our children and our future. The only argument of the opposition is that the Government is trying to sell out the country and that the United States is trying to gobble us up. They state that we shall have to keep a watch on the United States or else they will come and take away our independence. It shows they have learned nothing of our past history. I will state briefly what the history of this country with France and England has been. In 1839 a French man-of-war arrived and demanded $20,000 damages. The Government was very poor and had to scratch around for money, finally getting it from white people, to save bombardment. At the point of the gun the captain forced the Government to make a most unjust treaty, one claim of which was that there should not be more than 5 per cent duty charged on imports from France. In 1843 France and England entered into a treaty. They agreed not to interfere with this Government, which was not a party to it. If either country chose to take the county to-day they could; the treaty is between themselves, so far as that treaty is concerned. In 1849 another French war vessel arrived, and, trumping up a lot of charges, said if the Government did not come to terms, the King would be deposed and they would take the country. He would not weary them with all the demands, simply mentioning, four as follows: 1. That all correspondence between the two countries should be in French. 2. That the Catholic schools should have paid Catholic inspectors (the schools had an inspector for both Protestant and Catholic schools). 3. A small boy having gone into the Catholic Church, made fun of the priest and stuck his finger in the holy water, that such sacrilege should not be repeated. 4. Because certain English sailors had gone into a Frenchman's saloon, got drunk on his brandy, and broke his glasses, a 308 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. bill was made out for damages. This last demand was so ridiculous that the merchants subscribed $3.50 each and paid the damages. This clause was withdrawn. While the Government was trying to arrange matters, and while the prime minister was on board the French man-of-war, a squad of soldiers was sent ashore, who took possession of the fort, dismantled the guns, threw them into the harbor, went to Governor Kekuanaoa's house, smashed the furniture, and threw it into the yard. As a finale, the French took the private yacht belonging to Kamehameha III and sailed it to Tahiti. It has never been heard of since nor has any compensation ever been made for it. They finally withdrew their claims. Next year Dr. Judd went to England and France and tried to arrive at some definite settlement with the French and see that it should not be repeated. He was put off, and returned to the islands in 1851. He had not been home long before another French vessel came in with similar demands. The Government at that time was weak, and in desperation the legislature passed the following: JOINT RESOLUTION. Be it resolved by the nobles and representatives of the Hawaiian Islands in legislative council assembled, That, in the sense of this house, the demands of France are so clearly unjust, and contrary to the laws of nations and to treaty; and the course pursued by her is so incompatible with the existence of a regular independent government in these islands. If France should persist in such a course, it will be the duty of the King to shield himself and his Kingdom from insult and oppression, by placing this Kingdom under the protection of some friendly state, and that should such emergency be so urgent as not to admit of the legislative council being convened, it shall be left to His Majesty, by and with the advice of his privy council, under such emergency, to consult the honor and safety of his Kingdom according to His Majesty's best judgment; and that whatever he may do, will be binding upon the nation. Passed both houses of the Legislature, June 21, 1851. WM. L. LEE, Speaker of the House of Representatives. KEONI ANA, President of the House of Nobles. Approved by the King, August 4, 1851. KAMEHAMEHA. KEONI ANA. He would state some facts which formed part of the unwritten history of this country, which were probably not known by a dozen people. The Government invited General Miller, British consul, to see them, and after telling him of France's demands, asked him if England would protect the Islands, from France. General Miller replied, "I can not do it; we have a treaty (1843) with France." The Government then sent for Mr. Severance, father of the present United States consul-general, who at that time was the United States representative, and asked him if the United States would protect the Islands against France. He said, "They will." [Applause.] In accordance with the authority of the statute, a treaty was drawn up, and from this you can decide who has been the friend of this country when it needed a friend most. The treaty which is now made public for the first time is as follows: We, Kamehameha III, by the grace of God of the Hawaiian Islands, King: By and with the advice of our kuhina nui and counsellors of native chiefs, finding our relations with France so oppressive to my Kingdom, so inconsistent with its rights as an independent State, and so obstructive of all our endeavors to administer the government of our Islands with equal justice with all nations and equal independence of all foreign control and despairing of equity and justice from France, hereby proclaim as our royal will and pleasure that all our Islands and all our right as sovereign over them are from the date hereof placed under the protection and safeguard of the United States of America until some arrangements can be made to place our said relations with France upon a footing compatible with my rights as an independent sovereign under the laws of nations and compatible with my treaty engagements with other foreign nations; or, if such arrangements be found impracticable, then it is our wish and pleasure that the protection aforesaid under the United States of America be perpetual. And we further proclaim, as aforesaid, that from the date of publication hereof the flag of the United States of America shall be hoisted above the national ensign on all our forts and places and vessels navigating with Hawaiian registers. Done at our palace at Honolulu this 10th day of March, A. D. 1851, and in the twenty-sixth year of our reign, [L. S.] KAMEHAMEHA. KEONI ANA. 309 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. That King who signed it was the great and enlightened Kauikeaouli, who did more for his people than any other of the Hawaiian Kings, being the one who gave the people lands. He made the treaty, relying fully on the generosity and integrity of the United States, and his trust was not betrayed. [Applause.] That treaty was sent to the United States and laid there for months. The French admiral finally hearing something of the treaty withdrew his claim and left the country. [Laughter.] It may be of interest to mention that the U. S. S. Vandalia, so well known here, was in the harbor at the time and rendered assistance. Orders were given to Marshal Parke and he sewed Hawaiian and American flags together, the latter at the top, and sent them to all the sheriffs. He had one in the fort ready to hoist directly the French landed. There was the situation, the country was ceded and the deed in the hands of the United States Government. The King, with the full knowledge and consent of the Legislature, of the chiefs and of his cabinet, had deliberately and formally ceded the country to the United States, and that Government had only to sit still and do nothing in order to hold the country. If they had done so this would have been United States territory to-day. The American Government on learning that this had happened under pressure and rear of the French, said it would not be fair to take advantage of the situation. The treaty, which had never been published, was returned, the flag was never hoisted, and we remain a free and independent country to-day solely through the generosity of the United States of America. [Loud applause.] The episode when the British took possession in 1843 is well known to all. For seven months the British flag floated over the islands. The King was deposed, ministers were out of office, the records of the Government show that the entire Government was carried on by Lord George Paulet and his subordinates. Another episode simply shows the feeling of the United States Government towards us. The United States frigate Constitution came into the harbor, the deposed King going on board. The royal standard was hoisted and a salute of 21 guns fired. Lord Paulet protested, saying "The islands are British territory, and you are saluting a man who has no authority." The American admiral replied," I have recognized the man who is the King of the country, and if you do not like it you can lump it." [Laughter.] England nobly atoned and has been a good friend to us ever since. Is there any question who has been our friend in the past, and who will continue to be our friend, first, last, and all the time? The United States has always been friendly towards these islands. The foreign office is full of expressions of regard and good-will from that country from the earliest records down to the last mail. A number of men in the opposition ranks were in the country and participated in these matters, but they have learned nothing from it and have forgotten it all. Now they have the cold impudence to come forward and talk about giving the United States the go-by and going to France for protection-through our distrust of the intention of the United States. They say that Thurston, Damon, and the other damned missionaries are going to sell the independence of the country; that they, the patriots, are the ones who will preserve it. Wilcox and men of his stripe are doing more to destroy the independence of this country than any other person. They are striving to produce a state of anarchy, and it will not take many more of such events of July 30 to lose our independence, and then who will we have to thank for it but the gallant leader of the opposition, R. W. Wilcox. [Loud and continued applause.] The object of political discussion is to present arguments on principles involved, pro and con, and let the people decide at the polls. The opposition have a platform; do they discuss it? Do they discuss the Chinese question, development of the country, or the immigration question? On the contrary, we see Wilcox stigmatizing his countrymen as "traitors, murderers, thieves, and robbers," and he proposes "to break their necks, stamp on them, and throw them in the water and let the sharks eat them." Those are his arguments, by which he tries to show his patriotism. He went to Italy to be educated, and it has been the burden of his complaint that because the Government had supported and educated him for seven years it owed him an office and living, and that because he did not get it he was forced into despair and revolution. I have not heretofore stated that upon his return he came to me and asked me for something to do. I sent him to the superintendent of water works, who keeps in a book a record of water privileges, showing the distance from the sidewalk to the block. Mr. Wilson told Wilcox the record was two or three months behind, and he would give him $100 a month to keep it, and more if he did the work satisfactorily. Wilcox took up the record book, and said that as the figures were in feet and inches and he had been educated in meters he did not feel competent to undertake the work. [Laughter.] He walked sadly and slowly out of the office from the $100 with unknown feet and inches to despair and revolution. [Laughter.] Wilcox's chief grievance was that his education had been cut off in the middle. If he could only have had two years more to complete his course he would have been equipped 310 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. for the battle of life. If he had had those two years more schooling he might then have been able to translate feet and inches into meters. [Laughter.] The Bulletin states there is no issue between the two parties; that whoever is elected, things will slide on about the same. I say there are live issues in this election and the future of this country depends a great deal on how it is decided. If Bush is to run bridge contracts and foreign diplomacy and Wilcox the engineering department, there will be a very different state of things to what the reform party has done. I leave it to you, next Wednesday, to say whether the reform Government shall go on with its work or whether you wish to see R. W. Wilcox sitting, with an Italian uniform on, in the Government building. _______ WILCOX'S LOVE OF LIBERTY. The Voice of the Nation says that R. W. Wilcox has imbibed too much of the spirit of liberty to undertake to pull this Government back to arbitrary methods and the old order of things. This is pretty good, considering that Wilcox himself testified on the stand, under oath, that his new constitution which he had prepared was like the old constitution, with but few minor changes. It will be remembered, also, that he testified that he showed his constitution to Mr. Pahia, who told him that he had better put some check upon the power of the King to arbitrarily dismiss his cabinet, but that he (Wilcox) replied: "If you have a king, make him a king, just like the European kings." How much of the spirit of free institutions Mr. Wilcox has imbibed the reader can see, when he recollects that Wilcox complains continually in his speeches about the mixture of all classes in this country. Who does not remember his hackneyed information that "there are three classes in Italy: First, royalty; second, the middle class; third, the rest of the people--farmers, traders, etc.; and that none of the third class can even get into the second class, never mind how much they improve their condition?" _____ AN IG-NOBLE SPEECH. Mr. H. G. Crabbe is running as a noble for the Island of Oahu. While we are not sticklers for form or too much dignity and reserve, still we, in common with all people, recognize the fact that the position of noble is intended to represent the more conservative, dignified, and staid element in the legislative body. Mr. Crabbe, so far from maintaining his dignity in the opposition meeting at Palama last week, indulged himself in the use of billingsgate that would have done credit to an artist in the use of such language. Getting more and more personal, he called Mr. Achi a "little half-Chinese monkey," and would up finally with an out-and-out filthy epithet in Hawaiian, which raised a murmur of disapproval among the native listeners that were standing by. For fear that the reader will hardly credit this, and will take the opposition general denial as correct, we challenge Mr. Crabbe to deny it if he can. ______ WHO IS VIOLATING THE LAW? Mr. Macfarlane is credited, in his speech to the natives last Saturday night at the old armory, with saying that the opposition would peaceably abide the result of the election if defeated, but that it looked as if the reform party would not; that already the reform party were taking steps to challenge and shut off opposition electors from their vote. The trouble is that it is the opposition itself and not the reform party that purposes to break the law, and has already done so. Unquestionably a large number of parties have registered as noble voters at the instigation of runners of the opposition who are not qualified to vote for nobles or anywhere near it, and perjured themselves thereby. These men should be challenged, and undoubtedly will be, and without placing the reform party open to the charge of wishing to make a disturbance or to violate the law. 311 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Macfarlane would do much better if he asserted more control over his party and urged his following not to attempt to vote the noble tickets next Wednesday, even though on the register of noble voters, if, as a matter of fact, they violate the law and their consciences in so doing. ______ To-morrow will be the election day in which eight men will be chosen, for better or worse, to hold power without further control on our part until the year 1896. Eight more will serve for four years, and the balance--both representatives and nobles--for two years. The six-year men will be still in the legislature when our present treaty relations with the United States shall have expired, and all will have very important measures to pass upon before election day comes round again. It is customary, we believe, to spring new matter on your opponents at the last minute, when it is too late for them to refute it. We believe, however, that such a course is cowardly, and brings neither credit to the man who does it or much harm to the party against whom it is aimed, and we have refrained in this (practically) our last issue to present any new personal charges against the opposition. What charges we have made have been made openly and with full opportunity given the object of our attack to defend himself or themselves from it. A charge kept back at the last minute is usually kept back because if put forward soon enough could be refuted. A well-founded charge should stand the test of a public sifting. _____ A SERIOUS CHARGE. Mr. John Phillips is indignant that the board of education has had the temerity to advertise for bids for the erection of schoolhouses and accept the lowest bid in all cases where they were satisfied that the bidder was responsible and able to fulfill his contract. This is indeed a serious charge! Why, it gives the poor mechanic, even though he is a native Hawaiian, an equal chance, so far as the board is concerned, with the owner of a planing mill! Those who are opposed to such a fair way of transacting business will vote for Mr. Phillips. ____ A DENIAL BY THE CABINET.--THE PROPOSED TREATY NEGOTIATIONS AND THE LANDING OF THE TROOPS. Some three months ago the cabinet met a committee of citizens who desired information concerning the proposed revision of our treaty relations with the United States. Full information was verbally given at the time, and in the course of a few days a lengthy written statement was published. The committee made no report to the meeting which appointed them, although they several times announced that they intended to report. In yesterday's Herald a member of the committee makes an altogether false statement in the native language of what occurred at that interview. He states that the committee were told by the cabinet that the King had rejected two sections of a proposed treaty, they being sections which allowed the landing of troops with their munitions of war. No such statement was made. We would further state that no proposition to allow the landing of troops and munitions of war on Hawaiian soil has been made either by the United States or the Hawaiian Government, nor will any such proposition be entertained or supported by the present administration. LORRIN A. THURSTON. JONA AUSTIN. S. M. DAMON. 312 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. AMERICA'S GOOD FAITH AND GENEROSITY. Amid all of the snarling, wrangling, and blackguarding of the opposition, and their attempts to engender bad blood and prejudice against the United States, the fact stands out bold and clear that: Hawaii voluntarily surrendered her independence to the United States and the United States voluntarily restored it. TEN REASONS FOR SUPPORTING THE REFORM PARTY. 1. The Reform party has given us a free constitution. 2. It has vigorously instituted and carried on a policy of public improvements. 3. It has improved our reputation and credit abroad. (Under its administration government bonds have gone to a premium.) 4. It has borrowed money at a lower rate than ever before. 5. It has energetically pursued the policy of segregating the lepers. 6. It has introduced the principle of civil-service reform. 7. It has reduced the number of Chinese in the country by 3,000. 8. It has opened up several hundred holdings to settlers under the homestead act. 9. It has been economical. 10. It has swept away a corrupt regime with all its attendant abuses, and has thereby abolished the use of the civil service for partisan purposes, the control of the Legislature by the Crown, the misappropriation of public funds, the violation of law in the conduct of office, the wasting of the public resources in discreditable enterprises, impoverishing the country at home and disgracing it abroad, and the neglect of necessary public improvements, besides a host of other things which our space forbids us to mention. _____ TEN REASONS FOR NOT SUPPORTING THE "NATIONAL REFORM PARTY." 1. Because its prominent leaders are opposed to the new constitution. 2. Because it proposes to revise the constitution in some unknown way. 3. Because it proposes to modify or abolish altogether the property qualification. 4. Because it proposes the election of certain public officers by the people (which is not known.) 5. Because its declared foreign policy is dangerous to the reciprocity treaty, and consequently to the commercial prosperity of the country. 6. Because it is unwise to abandon a party which has deserved well of the country. 7. Because a change of administration is always in itself a serious misfortune, and will be injurious to our credit abroad. 8. Because the candidates of the party, with some honorable exceptions, are composed of men either without any record or with a bad one. 9. Because the party has conducted the campaign by a systematic attempt to rouse race hatred and set the Hawaiian against the entire foreign element. 10. Because this campaign is an undisguised attempt to nullify all the fruits of the revolution of 1887, and to carry out the insurrection of 1889. Which ticket are you going to vote? _____ VOTE FOR PERMANENT RECIPROCITY. ITS EFFECT ON WOOL. Wool, upon which a duty of ten cents a pound exists and which now barely pays the expense of putting on the market, and which we now ship across two oceans to Germany and elsewhere, would go through the Golden Gate, and the abolition of the duty would put sheep on every available spot on the mountain slopes of Mauna Loa and Mauna Kea, where the single station of Humuula now tells what might be done with sheep if an impossible duty did not shut our wool out from the market which nature has ordained to be our national outlet. VOTE FOR PERMANENT RECIPROCITY. ITS EFFECTS UPON OUR FRUIT INDUSTRY. Permanent reciprocity means that every banana, lime, pineapple, orange, cocoanut, etc.,, that we raise goes into the United States free of duty until the crack of doom. It means that fruit orchards, which under a seven years' treaty there is no use to create or spend any money on, will cover that home of tropical fruit, the two 313 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Konas, and cultivated bananas will be found in every one of the thousand gulches of the Hilo district, which, too steep for cultivation of sugar, now lie idle between the fields of cane. It means that the wood lands, running 60 miles from Hilo to Kukuihaele, too high for cane, will afford a home for the lime and coffee tree, where one can now see limes as large and coffee as healthy as ever gladdened the eye of man. Waialua, whose orange trees, neglected and slighted as they are, still insist on bearing fruit which discount California's best, will be as familiar an object in the hotels of the Pacific slope as Florida's favorites are in the market of the East. VOTE FOR PERMANENT RECIPROCITY. ITS EFFECT ON CLERKS. Clerks can remember the Hon. Charles R. Bishop, P. C. Jones, J. C. Glade, T. H. Davies; and many others, who came here and worked their way up the ladder step by step, and with the upward movement of permanent reciprocity commence to climb the stairs themselves. It looks as if the clerks of this city were now booked to remain such for good, or else be fired out by Asiatics; but new times will make a change. Remember that a name scratched is a vote lost for the party that constitutes the backbone and enterprise of the land. That a vote for the best man on the other side, as the issues have narrowed down, is a vote for all that that man has identified himself with. ______ VOTE FOR PERMANENT RECIPROCITY. ITS EFFECT ON MECHANICS. Mechanics can remember that Young, and Renton, and Thomas, and Daniel Foster, and many others coming here as mechanics, worked their way to the front on the tide of prosperity which came with reciprocity, and from their example can take heart that in a newer and broader commercial dispensation they, too, will work their way to that competency which is the legitimate ambition of every honest man, but which seems shut out by the absorption of one developed industry. Remember that your vote is essential to the sure and complete overthrow of the reactionary elements among us; That the men on your ticket represent the spirit of progress among us, and as such should be elected to a man. VOTE FOR PERMANENT RECIPROCITY. ITS EFFECT ON CAPITAL. Abiding, which can not be revoked without mutual consent, means the settling of values and the restful confidence of capital. The complaint against the steady withdrawal from the country of hundreds of thousands of dollars made in it would cease, for there would be no occasion for it. REFORM PARTY. GENERAL ELECTION OF 1890. PLATFORM. 1. We pledge ourselves to maintain inviolate the autonomy and independence of this Kingdom, while securing at the same time the amplest commercial benefits in our treaty relations with the United States. 2. To secure adequate legislation, by constitutional amendment or otherwise, whereby Asiatic immigration shall be restricted to the agricultural necessities of the country, and Chinese not now engaged in trade or the mechanical occupations shall be prohibited from hereafter engaging therein. 3. To favor wise and liberal appropriations for internal improvements, and to sustain a progressive policy in the development of our national resources. 4. To secure such an extension of the present homestead act as will facilitate the settlement of small landholders throughout the Kingdom. 5. To procure for the people an honest, economic, and efficient administration in all departments of the Government. CANDIDATES. For Nobles--Island of Oahu.--Hon. W. C. Wilder, Hon. M. P. Robinson, Hon. W. O. Smith, six years. Hon. J. I. Dowsett, sr., Robert Lishman, R. J. Greene, four years. S. M. Kaaukal, E. S. Kunha, B. F. Dillingham, two years. For Representatives--District of Kona, Oahu.--District 1: Hon. Cecil Brown. District 2: S. K. Kane. District 3: M. A. Gonsalves. District 4: James F. Morgan, District 5: W. C. Achi. District 6: J. L. Kaulukou. District 7: --------. District 8: J. I. Dowsett, jr. 314 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. For Nobles--Island of Hawaii.--J. Kauhane, J. M. Horner, six years. R. R. Hind, Hon. Dr. J. Wight, four years. Hon. Samuel Parker, Dr. C. J. Wetmore, two years. For Represntatives--Island of Hawaii.--South Hilo: R. Rycroft. Central Hilo: Geo. Kaihenua. North Hilo: Albert Horner. Hamakua: W. J. Rickard. Kohala: J. W. Moanauli. Kona:______. Kau:______. For Nobles--Island of Maui.--Hon. H. P. Baldwin, W. Y. Horner, six years. W. H. Cornwell, R. D. Walbridge, four years. Jas. Anderson, L. Von Tempsky, two years For Representatives--Island of Maui.--Wailuku, district 1: W. K. Makakoa. Wailuku, district 2: Patrick Cockett. Makawao: W. H. Halstead. Hana: Jos. U. Kawainui. Lahaina:______. Molokai:________. For Nobles--Island of Kauai.--Hon. Geo. N. Wilcox, six years. Hon. P. P. Kanoa, four years. Hon. P. Isenberg, sr., two years. For Representatives--Island of Kauai.--Hanalei: Hon. A. S. Wilcox. Lihue: Hon. W. H. Rice. Waimea V. Knudsen. To the readers of the Times: When your eyes shall rest upon this last issue of the Times, election day will already have partly run its course. At such a time above all others we would make no mad appeal for the Reform party, no loud declamation against the opposition; but wish only to address you in the language of soberness and truth. A strong movement, like that begun on the 30th of June, by the Reform party must naturally expect some day to have to meet the reactionary wave that is always sure to follow. That wave has come to-day full-crested with the accumulated passions, prejudices, and disappointment of those who, like the Bourbon of France, "decline to forget anything or to learn anything new," and while you are now scanning these lines those two waves are meeting in a clash and collision that will settle things one way or other before the sun goes down. If, after the collision, the Reform party is found still moving on, then reaction is gone forever. Bush, Wilcox, and their partisans have lost their employment for good. Nothing can then revive the past. If, however, reform goes down, the leadership of Wilcox and his following are assured, and hundreds of dubious hearts will follow in his train and hasten to enforce his mandates and back up his demands who now are waiting to see which way the tide will turn. We believe this country will never see social or political place as long as men can run politics on race lines or consent to reap the advantages to such work when done by hirelings. Every man who is opposed to such methods should see to it that Messrs. Widemann, Macfarlane, Muller, Phillips, and others are rebuked to-day for such a course, to the end that it may be established in this land of varied races from now on, that any political party, however laudable its objects may be, which seek to secure them at the price of stirring up ill-will and race prejudice among the people, will for that act alone be snowed under so deep that even Gabriel's political trumpet will fail to rouse it from its slumbers. We believe that an intelligent glance at the platform of the Opposition shows clearly, and the tone of its campaign confirms the fact, that it will if successful inaugurate a foreign policy inimical to the United States and imminently dangerous to our present commercial relations with that country. Feeling as we do that the whole fabric of society with us, political, social, and commercial, rests on that sheet of parchment we call the treaty, we can not, as a public organ, but warn the people against the folly of provoking results which will blight and bankrupt the country, drive out mechanics, force property on the market until it becomes a drug, and compel the delivery of the country once and for all over to Asiatics as the only class that could survive the collapse and save the forty millions invested in sugar. Let us hold to our present treaty relations with the United States as a drowning man clings to the life buoy. Let us in all honorable ways promote the good will and fellowship now existing between our neighbor and ourselves, and press for such broader and more permanent commercial relations as will give this country and all the spare capital within it a new start, and to the young men of the land fuller and increasing opportunities to make a start in life for themselves. With these words to the Times bids the public farewell, with many thanks for its kind reception. Aloha nui! Remember! That your opponents will vote the straight party ticket. That they will not scratch any names in favor of men on your ticket whom you like best. That those who advise you to scratch do so in the interests of the party whom you wish to see defeated. That if the Reform party wins the election, progressive constitutional government is assured. 315 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens. No. 17.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, March 4, 1890. SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your confidential dispatch (No. 17) of the 7th ultimo, touching the result of the late election in the Hawaiian Islands, and its probable effect on the interests of the United States. It has been read with attention. I am, etc., JAMES G. BLAINE. ________ Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens. No. 19.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, March 6, 1890. SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your No. 18 of the 10th ultimo, by which I learn that, contrary to the indications of the first "returns" of the late elections in the Hawaiian Islands, the result throughout the islands proves favorable to the "reform party" and the present ministry. I am, etc., JAMES G. BLAINE. __________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. [Confidential.] No. 20.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, March 20, 1890. SIR: The archives of the Department of State are conclusive evidences of the interest which the Government of the United States has long taken in the affairs of the Hawaiian Islands. That these territories are of great importance to the future development and defense of American commerce in the Pacific, hardly will be questioned. To secure the influence over them which the United States so long has considered its right and duty to maintain, some decisive steps must soon be taken which, in the past, were not of pressing necessity. For more than half a century the American Missionary Board, with the agencies and influences in its control, has served as a strong fortress to the United States in these islands. The large financial contributions, amounting to nearly one million of dollars, which that organization obtained through innumerable channels of American benevolence and religious zeal, and the large number of educated and resolute agents which it sent to these islands, secured an influence over the ruling chiefs and native population which held them as firmly to America as a permanent military force could have done. But a change of facts and circumstances in recent years is bringing near the time when this well-sustained power must be strongly reinforced. In a large and increasing degree other influences have come in to counterbalance and relatively to decrease the American missionary influences. The native population of sixty years ago is reduced to 316 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. less than a third it then was, and is continually growing less. The chiefs, who were formerly the supports of monarchy and mainly controlled the affairs of the islands and who for many years were largely influenced by the teachings of the American pastors, no longer exist. The grave has closed over them forever. The native pastors, who now hold the places once occupied by the American missionaries, have not the strong American sympathies of their predecessors, and if they had they possess not the strength of character to hold their parishes by any effective influence relative to affairs of government. Of the ninety thousand population now on these islands less than one-half is of the original Hawaiian race, and but a small proportion of the lands and other property are in their possession. The following is believed to be very nearly the present make-up of the population: Natives, 37,500; half-cast, 5,000; Chinese, 19,000; American, 3,000; Hawaiian, born of foreign parents, 3,000; Britons, 1,250; Portuguese, 12,000; Germans, 1,500; French, 150; Japanese, 8,400; Norwegian, 250; other foreigners, 500; Polynesian, 500; total, 92,050. It is not necessary for me to elaborate the argument to show that a population thus composed has not the inherent tendencies and unity of force to hold them to American interests. It is doubtless true that more than one-half of the property of the country to-day is possessed by those of American birth or of American blood. But wealthy men of other nationalities are becoming numerous here, and the number of adventurers and of those of cosmopolitan ides, caring little for any country, is always considerable in lands peopled as this now is, with commercial and political circumstances as they are. To thwart and hold in check the increasing influences here hostile to the United States some effective measure are absolutely necessary. In view of the facts as they existed for half a century a drifting policy was safe enough. Rapidly changing circumstances demand a prompt abandonment of the drifting policy of the past. Left to themselves, the prevailing logical force of things would ultimately drive out the best American elements and swamp these islands with adverse influences. To hold an assimilating control of the largely preponderating Asiatic and native Hawaiian population there must be maintained an American policy, strong, conservative, but not costly, if adopted in time. The longer this is postponed the more difficult and expensive it will be in the end to secure the desired result. The laying of an ocean cable from San Francisco to Honolulu, with the aid of the United States Government, and the expenditure of a sufficient sum of money to make a fair commencement of the improvement of Pearl Harbor would be of immediate benefit to American commerce, would be a salutary notice to foreign powers of our intentions in these waters, and operate as a powerful incentive to retain and to increase an enterprising and influential American population in these islands. As monarchy and feudalism, formally so strong here, have no longer any solid foundation, and government has become constitutional, and largely by the ballot, the moral pressure of the United States is absolutely necessary to enable the Americans and other intelligent citizens of the country to withstand the Asiatic and other influences adverse to Christian civilization, its laws, and agencies. Fairly governed and retained under auspicious American influences, these islands are capable of supporting a population of 250,000, possessing financial resources ample to pay all the taxes necessary for the support of their institutions and the ordinary means of defense. The vital question, one that can not be possibly ignored or held in abeyance, is: Shall Asiatic or 317 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Americans civilization ultimately prevail here? The near future is to show conclusively that only the strong pressure and continual vigilance of the United States can enable American men and American ideas to hold ascendency here and make these islands as prosperous and valuable to American commerce and to American marine supremacy in the North Pacific as the isles of the Mediterranean have been and are to its adjacent nations. The data in possession of the Department of State, show how valuable Pearl Harbor easily can be made as a commercial marine and naval station, and the great and pressing importance of an ocean cable, under American control, is so plainly obvious as to require no elaborate argument for its clearer demonstration. The most careful study of the situation here leads me to urge a limited appropriation for Pearl harbor, financial aid to the ocean cable, and such modification of the existing treaty as shall increase the American population here and permanently strengthen the bonds between Hawaii and the United States. The sooner this is done the less difficult and expensive it will be in the end. It is certain that time and events will not wait for us, and that a drifting and waiting policy is now the most hazardous. I have, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. From the Minister of Finance I have just received the inclosed report of the Collector of Customs, a single advance type-written copy, showing the increased commercial importance of these islands to the United States. _____ HONOLULU, H. I., March 13, 1890. His Excellency S. M. DAMON, His Majesty's Minister of Finance: SIR: In conformity with the provisions of section 553 of the Civil Code, I have the honor to submit to your excellency the annual report of the business of this bureau for the year ended December 31, 1889. I beg to call your excellency's attention to the reports with each table, which, I think, will give more information than in former years. Your attention in particular is called to tables numbers 1, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, and 16. The exports have increased from $4,875,694 in 1880 to $13,874,341 in 1889, and the imports from $3,673,268 in 1880 to $5,438,790 in 1889. The trade with the United States has increased 5.78 per cent during the past year, and is now 79.10 per cent of our entire imports. Our exports, virtually all go to the United States. The exports of our principal product, sugar, has increased over the exports of previous years, as follows: 1889, 242,165,825 pounds, against-- Year. Quantity. Increase. Year. Quantity. Increase. Pounds. Pounds. Pounds.. Pounds. 1877.................. 25,575,965 216,589,879 1883............... 114,107,155 128,058,680 1878.................. 38,431,458 203,734,377 1884............... 142,654,923 99,510,912 1879.................. 49,020,972 193,144,863 1885............... 171,350,314 70,815,521 1880.................. 63,584,471 178,581,364 1886............... 216,223,615 25,942,220 1881.................. 93,789,483 148,376,352 1887............... 212,763,647 29,402,188 1882.................. 114,177,938 127,987,897 1888............... 235,888,346 6,277,489 An average increase of 119,035,144 pounds per year. Rice has fallen off from the output of 1888, 3,208,704 pounds; a large amount of this shortage is due to the number of Japanese laborers having been introduced. The true amount of rice produced in this Kingdom can never be ascertained from the records of this Bureau for the reason that this article is used to a greater or less extent by our own population. 318 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Wool has decreased to 241,925 pounds. The export of this article reached its highest point in 1882 and its lowest in 1887. Bananas have increased in the number of bunches exported from 1876 to the present year, when it reached 105,630 bunches. Tallow has decreased from the amount exported last year. Molasses has increased slightly. The manifested value of sugar for the past year was 5.45 cents per pound. It will be seen by reference to the table that the United States received practically all of our domestic products. Japan imported 92 head of cattle. China did not import anything. In former years a large amount of betel leaves and tallow have been exported there. Our import trade with the various countries of the world has increased to a considerable extent. The aggregate of our imports for 1888 was $4,540,887, while for 1889, $5,438,790, an increase of $897,903. Reviewing our trade with each country, we find that we imported from the United States 79.10 per cent, an increase of 5.78 per cent over the previous year, or more particularly an increase of $976,108 from that country alone; from Great Britian 12.38 per cent, a falling off from the previous year; from China and Japan 3.68 per cent, also a slight falling off; and from other countries a similar falling off. The relation which our imports from the United States of free by treaty and goods paying duty bear to each other is as 4 of the former 1 of the latter. The class of goods which compose the duty-paying class are to a great extent of foreign origin, and American beer and wines. The United States received the bulk of our trade, both in exports and imports; Great Britain received 3.45 per cent, and China and Japan 1.10 per cent. The trade of the United States with this Kingdom has increased 1.61 per cent over that of 1888. The total imports and exports have increased from $16,248,486 in 1888, to $19,313,132 for the period just ended. The increase in the imports and exports carried by American vessels in 1868 was 66.19 per cent, while in 1889 it carried 72.34 per cent. The percentage carried by vessels of other nations has decreased in each case. The imports of specie for the year just ended amounted to $1,146,925, and $1,207,555 for the previous year, showing a slight falling off. The exports of gold increased from $23,935 for 1888, to $40,477 for 1889. The value of our foreign and domestic goods exported amounted to $13,874,341. The value of foreign goods exported amounted to $64,270, it being the smallest amount exported for ten years past. The value of our domestic exports has increased $2,178,635 over the previous year, and it represents a production of $172.62 1/2 per capita for the entire population, basing the calculation on the census returns of 1884. The vessels engaged in carrying our domestic products were divided among principally four nationalities. American, guaged by the value, carried 80.22 per cent against 73.09 per cent in 1888; Hawaiian, 15.20 per cent against 21.72 per cent for the previous year, the falling off being occasioned by one of the regular steamers being laid up for repairs and an American vessel taking its place. The number of Hawaiian-regi tered vessels has decreased in number as well as in tonnage. This has been caused through the sale abroad of the bark Kalakaua and the brigantine Allie Rowe , the breaking up in port of the bark Lilian and the brigantine Hazard , and the losing of the bark James A. King and the schooner Jennie Walker by being wrecked. The additions to the list were the steamers Hawaii and Akamai ; The bark Andrew Welch and Foohng Suey, and the brigantine Geo. H. Douglass, and the sloop Keaolani, all vessels of the first class. We have in our merchant marine five vessels built of iron, three being steamers, and among the coasters one iron steamer. The number of men employed by all vessels, both merchantmen and coasters, is 850, in the capacity of sailors. The number and tonnage of vessels entered and cleared at all ports, Hawaiian Islands, remain about the same as in the previous year. The total number entered has increased, while the tonnage has decreased, showing that vessels of smaller tonnage have been employed. Vessels under the American flag had a total tonnage of 129,095, and in 1888, 113,459; British, 19,139, and in 1888, 29,519; Hawaiian, 54,813, against 64,607; German, 4,197, against 5,820 for the previous year. There was an excess of departure of passengers and tourists of 53 during the year, as against 499, excess of departures in 1888; while there was an excess of arrivals of immigrants of 1,358, which indicates that there was a gain to the population of this Kingdom of 1,305. The Chinese population has decreased by 1,059 person; 32 Chinese females have arrived, and 43 have departed. 319 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. The consumption of spirits in this kingdom varies very little from that of 1888, save in the withdrawals of beer, which has increased from 40,000 gallons to 61,000 gallons for the year just ended. The consumption of light wine remains about the same. European wines, which have been always of a high test, have been all along displaced by California wines; but during the past year the experiment was tried of importing a quantity of a lower test, corresponding to its California rival. The result is a small increase in its consumption . There has been an unexpected increase in the receipts for duties in some articles which showed a decrease in 1888, while others have unexpectedly fallen off, but the total amount shows a slight increase over the previous year. It largely exceeds our estimate for the biennial period, which was estimated at $500,000 per year. Marine railway.--I would draw your excellency's attention to the increasing importance of the marine railway, and since the arrival of the warship Nipsic from Samoa was placed on the railway for extensive repairs many foreign vessels have taken advantage of it through the experience gained from that vessel. The number of coasters and merchantmen placed thereon during 1889 was 70, of which number 33 were steamers, the largest being 1,070 tons and the smallest 18 tons; and the other 37 were sailing vessels, the largest being 1,088 tons and the smallest 6 tons. The demands made upon the statistical department of this Bureau has largely increased during the past year, and is likely to increase with the increase of our commerce and as we become better known abroad. It is on account of these ever increasing demands, and increasing commerce that our report is later than usual. I have the honor to be, sir, your excellency's most obedient servant, A.S. CLEGHORN, Collector-General of Customs. ___________ Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens. No. 22] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, April 7, 1890. SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your Nos. 4-19. I am, etc., JAMES G. BLAINE. __________ Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens. No.24.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, April 24, 1890. SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your No. 20 of the 20th ultimo, touching the commercial relations of Hawaii with the United States. A copy of your dispatch has been confidentially communicated to the Secretary of the Navy. I am, sir, etc., JAMES G. BLAINE. __________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. No. 24.] UNITES STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, May 20, 1890. SIR: The import and intent of the reciprocity treaty between the United States and the Hawaiian Islands are well understood by all American who have a patriotic regard for the future commercial 320 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. growth and power of their country in the Pacific. The bearing which the continuance of the terms and advantages of the present reciprocity treaty has on the political relations of the Hawaiian kingdom with the United States renders it proper for me to inform the Department of State of the present alarm caused here by the sugar provisions of the tariff bill reported by the Committee on Ways and Means of the Washington House of Representatives. The production of sugar is the principal business of these islands, as the figures of the nearly $14,000,000 of exports to the United States in 1889 plainly show. Sugar is the chief source of the financial life--is the banking capital--on which the present and future prosperity of this country depends. To destroy this productive industry and chief source of wealth is to spread ruin and disaster throughout the islands. It is certain that the present treaty is the chief cause of the present large dimensions of sugar production, having already more than doubled the entire property of the islands. In the opinion of all well-informed persons here, to place sugar on the free list would be the virtual annulment of the reciprocity treaty and the destruction of the prosperity of the islands. Thus it is easy to understand why there is so deep an anxiety among the business men of Hawaii as to the present aspect of the sugar question in Congress. They clearly understand that it is a matter of life and death to the Hawaiian kingdom. To all sincere Americans here it is especially alarming, as they see plainly that the virtual destruction of the chief productive industry of the country is to weaken essentially its fraternal relations with the United States. It would have been better never to have had the treaty than now to annul its chief financial advantage and knock the main props from the business of the islands. I am sure that these fears are not exaggerated. The business men here have no more faith in the "bounty system" than have the business men of the United States. It certainly seems highly inopportune to abandon the protective principle as to sugar just at the time when in various sections of the United States extensive arrangements are being made to invest large sums of money to produce sugar from cane, beet, and sorghum. That the sugar tariff has not already led to a large production of sugar in the United States is no conclusive reason why it will not in the future, now that greatly improved methods of producing sugar have recently come into use and capital is much more available for sugar-raising than formerly. There are strong reasons to believe that if sugar-raising can be protected in the future, say by a specific duty of 50 per cent on the raw product, it will increase on a large scale and become a very important interest in eight or ten States of the Union, and that at no distant day the United States and its dependencies and allies will produce sugar sufficiently to supply the increasing demands of the American people. Logically and practically there seems to be no stronger reasons for abandoning the protective principle as to sugar than as to any other agricultural interest or productive industry of the country. Believing the commercial and political relations of these islands to be of inestimable importance to the United States, duty impels me to state the grave injury and danger there are involved in the proposed annulment of the sugar tariff. I am sure I have not overestimated the calamity it would bring to Hawaii, and I am clearly of the opinion that a 50 per cent specific duty on raw sugar would be well for the ultimate interests of the United States. I have, etc.,