JOHN L. STEVENS. 321 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. [Confidential.] No. 25.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, May 28, 1890. SIR: I improve the first mail opportunity to inform the Department of State that the Hawaiian Legislature assembled May 21 and was opened by the King with the customary formalities. Contrary to the hope of the best citizens of the islands, the reform party, through whose agency the present constitution was made and carried into effect, is found in minority. Two or three members-elected by the reformers, half-caste and native Hawaiians, have joined the opponents of the present order of things. The opponents of the ministry elected the speaker and other legislative officers by a small majority, and the committees appointed are similarly constituted. The resolutions thus far offered and the discussions had in their regard indicate a matured purpose of the majority to force out the present ministry and put in its place one hostile to the present constitution or that regards its requisitions of secondary importance. The situation is somewhat complicated by the fact that one of the ministers, the attorney-general, a Canadian by birth and sympathy, has deserted his colleagues and become a bitter partisan of the present legislative majority. Not long since he made a visit of several months to Canada, spending, I think, a few days in Washington, and returned here since the Hawaiian election an earnest opponent of a new treaty with the United States and an advocate of an ocean cable and a reciprocity treaty with the Canadian Dominion. It is strongly suspicioned here that he is now in the pay of the Canadian Pacific Railroad, if not an agent of Sir James McDonald, the Canadian premier. Recently, instead of following the advice of the three more respectable and responsible members of his cabinet and the united opinion of the supreme court as to cabinet power and responsibility, the King has adopted the opinion of this Attorney-General Ashford that a single cabinet member can neutralize and block the decision of the other three members. This course of the attorney-general and the diverse heterogeneous and irresponsible elements of which the majority in the Legislature is composed render the present political situation less favorable than could be wished. The aspect of the "sugar question" in Congress at Washington strengthens the opponents of the existing ministry and continues to depress and alarm the Americans here and those who hold that the United States is the best ally and the real hope of the Hawaiian Kingdom. As soon as the present legislative majority agree upon a new cabinet there is no doubt that a probably successful effort will be made to carry a vote of "want of confidence" in the present ministry, though some signs of discord begin to be manifested among the opponents of the three best members of the cabinet. I inclose two copies of the King's speech well known to have been formulated by the three responsible ministers. I have, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. F R 94--APP II------21 322 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. The King's speech at the opening of the Legislature May 21, A . D. 1890. Nobles and Representatives: The meeting of the Legislature to-day affords me the opportunity to congratulate the nation upon the measure of prosperity enjoyed by it during the period which has elapsed since the commencement of the last session. The friendly relations between this Kingdom and foreign nations continue to promote the happiness and security of our subjects, and of all sojourners within our borders. During the biennial period just closed, the country has enjoyed a great degree of prosperity. Industry and enterprise have been well rewarded, and as will appear from the reports of the several departments of the Government, great progress has been made in the development of our material interests. It is a source of gratification that our credit is good, and that our financial affairs have been placed upon a sound basis. I sincerely trust that the laws which you shall enact for the welfare of the Kingdom will foster and encourage the extension of public improvements in the full confidence that they will return to us rich rewards, and I recommend for your consideration, liberal expenditures for the development of the industries of the Kingdom, especially in the encouragement of railroads and other facilities for the transportation of merchandise and of passengers. The authorities charged with guarding the health of the people have been vigilant, and have succeeded in a great measure in the suppression of our chief malady. The subject of education, so closely connected with the foundation of good government, has received the earnest consideration of those appointed to forward its interests, and our progress in this important branch of human welfare has received the commendations of all nations, as expressed at the Paris Exposition, where our educational exhibit was rewarded with the highest order of prizes. In view of the probable completion of an interoceanic ship canal in the near future, and of the promised extension of lines of steam communication, it is of the highest importance that our harbors should be prepared to furnish accommodation to the great increase of commerce which will surely follow. Let us also hope that arrangements may be made during the present period, whereby an electric cable under the Pacific shall place us in instantaneous communication with the thoughts and feelings of the whole human race, and add largely to our commercial advantages. We shall deem it wise with your concurrence to pledge the credit of the Hawaiian Kingdom for such purposes and it can not be doubted that the material welfare of the nation will be thereby greatly enhanced. Nobles and representatives: Invoking the blessings of the Almighty upon your deliberations, I now declare the Legislature of the Kingdom open. ________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. No. 26.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, June 9, 1890. SIR: I improve the first mail opportunity to forward two copies of the speech of Hon. L. A. Thurston, Minister of Interior, just delivered in the Hawaiian Legislature. It is a clear, strong statement of facts, as I had previously ascertained them by careful investigation, and these plainly indicate the actual political situation here, showing that in my former dispatches I had not been mistaken as to my general views of the condition of affairs. Mr. Thurston is a gentleman of marked ability, of tried integrity, and of real courage. He is a native of the islands, as were his father and mother, both of his grand parents being of sturdy Connecticut stock, having come here as missionaries nearly seventy years ago. He has been, from its beginning, a bold and earnest leader in the reform party, and has the entire confidence of the best men of the islands. He can always be relied on as a friend of the country of his ancestry. His speech has made so decided an impression that it is possible that the heterogeneous majority of the opposition party in the Legislature may become a minority and not be able to force out the present ministry. I have, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. 323 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. [Inclosure.] [From the Honolulu Commercial Advertiser of June 7, 1890.] THE MINISTER OF THE INTERIOR: I am ready to speak to the question of privilege in regard to the reply of the attorney-general to the questions of Nobles Crabbe and Muller. The answer of the attorney-general amounted to a general charge against the cabinet of interfering with him in the discharge of his duties and of acting in a manner derogatory to the interests of the community, in maintaining last April an armed guard at the police station. The charges of the attorney-general resolve themselves into three, which I shall take up in turn. 1. That the marshal maintained, during April last, an armed guard in the police station, with the approval of the majority of the cabinet, and against the approval of the attorney-general. 2. That such action was unwise, unnecessary, and groundless. 3. That if there was any reason to apprehend a disturbance the action taken was such as to precipitate the very disorders it was intended to prevent. Mr. President, I admit the first charge. I admit that the majority of the cabinet maintained a guard at the station house not only without the consent of the attorney-general, but that he did everything in his power to prevent it. The thing that he did not do was to go down and find out what was actually going on. I think that instead of censuring the marshal, he deserves the thanks of the community that in spite of the resistance of his superior officer he had the principle and the courage to take measures which, I think, prevented the recurrence of happenings similar to those of the 30th of July last. Having admitted the first charge, that the marshal defied his superior officer and the cabinet approved it and advised it, only a strong reason can exculpate the cabinet, and if I do not give sufficient reason for their action, I ask that they be condemned as they should be. Our defense is that at that time the majority of the cabinet had good reason to believe that Volney V. Ashford and Robert W. Wilcox were contemplating violence, and that the attorney-general, if not actually assisting, was conniving at it. Now I maintain that I have not got to furnish legal proof of this, such as would be needed to procure a conviction before a jury; but if I show that we had good reason to believe it we were justified in the action which we took. I don't propose to indulge in rhetoric or adjectives, but to make plain statement of facts and of the information which I received, and then let the gentlemen here draw their own conclusion. The reasons which actuated us involve a considerable amount of the secret history of this country during the last three years. I do not propose to state any facts which are not essential. There are a large number which bear on the subject which I have stricken out, but I think that I have retained enough to convince the house. I will show first why we had cause to distrust R. W. Wilcox and to believe that he was intending to disturb the peace. As you all know, Mr. Wilcox was several years a ward of this country studying abroad, until his return in 1887. A fact not so generally known is that he organized at that time a conspiracy to dethrone the King, overthrow the ministry, and proclaim a new constitution. One of those who assisted him in drawing up the constitution is now present in this house. They went so far as to actually have the constitution engrossed, and Wilcox, with others, went into the palace and demanded of the King that he abdicate and declare his sister Queen. They even had the form of abdication written out for him to sign. If it had not been for the faithful service of Robt. Parker, the matter which came to a head in July, 1889, might have come to a head in the early part of 1888. The tactics which Wilcox pursued were almost identical with those which he employed in last July, except that he went into it so subtly that he managed to draw in a great many innocent persons, who did not understand it until they were so deep in that they could not withdraw. One of these became frightened and came and told us, and that is how we came to know about it. As soon as I learned about it, I sent for several of the prominent conspirators, one after another, and charged them with it, and they confessed. I put their statements in writing and they signed them, and I have those statements to-day. The object was, straight and simple, to compel the King to abdicate. They had the abdication all written out and they tried to compel him to sign it. Within a day or two after the matter came to my knowledge, they all knew that I knew it. The wife of R. W. Wilcox came to me (as she said, at the request of her husband) and begged me with tears that they might be allowed to go away. She said they would go back to Italy and that would be the last of it. It may be said that the cabinet ought to be condemned for not bringing it all out at that time, and so preventing the trouble of July 30. Perhaps we were right and perhaps we were wrong. The reason we did not was that the country had been disturbed and we did not wish to again arouse alarm. 324 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Nobody knew of the affair, and they promised to reform. Robt. Wilcox came to me himself and admitted the whole affair; said that he had been wrong, that he saw his mistake, but had been desperate, living as he was on charity. That he was angry with the King for not giving him an office which he had expected and been promised. He said he would go back to Italy and take service in the Italian army where they were fighting in Arabia, and that perhaps he would obtain promotion there. It seemed to us best, after mature deliberation, not to prosecute, and so no arrests were made, no publicity was given to it. Wilcox was allowed to go and he went. After this there were no disturbances, no rumors--everybody went about his business with the unconsciousness that everything was all right and that the country was secure. This state of things continued until Wilcox came back in 1889. He had scarcely arrived before we began to receive information that he was trying to bring about the same thing again. There is no need of my repeating the events of July last, as it has all been before the courts. Now, after all that had happened in 1888, after his exposure and failure, his repentence and promises, he came back and repeated his attempt, and to-day he has the blood of 7 poor Kanakas on his head. The results of his second attempt you all know. He was tried and acquitted. You know what has happened since. He made a triumphal tour through the country, not only expressing no regret and repentence for what he had done, but glorifying in it, representing himself as a patriot and saying that if he had a chance he would do the same thing again. So things went on until some time before the election. The rumors again began to go around, and I received direct information that he was again discussing schemes of violence and that as a first step he intended to take the station house; that he had been discussing that with V. V. Ashford, and with his assistance was devising plans as to how it might be accomplished. R. W. Wilcox stated to several of his friends the substance of his conversation with V. V. Ashford. Two of them gave me their statements in writing. They are persons who were politically opposed to me. It is unnecessary for me to state that one of them was Antone Rosa, since he has stated the same thing over his own signature in the public press. I went immediately to Mr. Rosa, upon hearing that he knew of the matter, and said; "You and I are not politically in accord, but we both know that there is nothing will so damage the country as a repetition of July 30. We can sink our political differences in the attempt to prevent anything of this kind. I shall certainly do all that I can, and I think it is your duty to do all you can to prevent anything of the kind." He said that he took the same view, and would do what he could to ferret out what was going on, and he did. I think Mr. Rosa deserves the thanks of this house and of the community for sinking his political differences and doing what he could to prevent what would have injured the country. Mr. V. V. Ashford soon heard of the rumors with regard to his conversation with Wilcox and sent for him and asked him if he had made any such statement. Mr. Wilcox said he had not. Mr. Ashford asked him if he would put that in writing, and Wilcox said he would. Mr. Ashford prepared a written statement which Robert Wilcox signed, and that statement is now in Mr. V. V. Ashford's possession. Then Wilcox went after Rosa for having told of it. Mr. Rosa said: "Didn't you tell me what I say that you did." Wilcox replied: "Yes; but I told you in confidence, and not to tell anyone else." This put a quietus on Mr. Wilcox for some time. After the election Mr. Wilcox felt jubilant. He said that he had made the party successful and was entitled to the leadership of it, and would be made minister. Upon this some of the respectable members of his party began to grow restive, and expressed themselves in very decided language to the contrary. Then Mr. Wilcox told some of his friends that he was beginning to suspect the good faith of his haole associates, and that they would not help him to become minister and that he must look out for himself. He accordingly consulted with some of those who had been associated with him in July last, and asked them if they would be willing to help him again, if necessary. Some of them said yes, some were kanalua, and some said that they had had enough. Feelers were sent out and various persons were asked if they would assist in turning the Government out if matters came to a head. I have information from a gentleman in whom every member of this house has confidence, who was asked in front of the post-office by one of Wilcox's intimate friends if he would help take the station house; that they were going to have a meeting that night to discuss it. Several of my informants were then, and still are, members of the opposition party. One actively expressed himself during the election for the express purpose of getting the cabinet out of office. This brings the matter to the 17th of April, which the attorney-general considers the culminating iniquity of the cabinet. The second question which I shall consider is why the cabinet distrusted V. V. Ashford and believed that he was favorable to creating a disturbance. I will not go back to the 30th of July last, although there are a number of earlier instances. 325 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. which I might mention. Shortly after July 30 rumors and statements began to be circulated that V. V. Ashford, although he commanded the force against Wilcox, yet knew more than he ought to about that movement, and that his heart was not entirely in the action which he took that day. At first I did not take much stock in these rumors, for people talk as much here as they do anywhere; but as time passed on I received intimations that there were facts at the bottom of these reports, and I thought that I ought to investigate. I did not consult C. W. Ashford. Blood is thicker than water. Although I will state that I had at that time implicit confidence in the attorney-general. As a result of my investigations I have statements in writing from friends of the Government, from enemies, and from neutrals, and I state unhesitatingly that V. V. Ashford knew of and counseled and advised the disturbance of last July; that he sent messengers to Wilcox saying that the King and the cabinet were at loggerheads, and that now was the time to act. Matters were quiet after the 30th of July, so far as his action was concerned, excepthat his conduct was characterized by the most violent denunciations of the cabitnet, publicly and without stint, to such an extent that a member of the diplomatic corps came to a member of the cabinet, and although as he said he was acting beyond the scope of his official duty, warned them not to have confidence in a man talking as V. V. Ashford was. V. V. Ashford became a frequent contributor to opposition newspapers, declaiming against the Government in the bitterest terms, giving out false statements with regard to the cabinet, and stating that he got them from his brother, although I did not believe anything of the sort. As an illustration, one of the members of this house lately told me that at about that time Mr. Ashford told him that he was so anxious to have this ministry turned out that he would rather have the country go back to the old regime than see it go on with them in office, and would rather see the country reduced to ashes than have them remain. So matters continued, Mr. President, until two or three weeks before the election. That was a time of a good deal of uncertainty. Both parties were confident, and neither was sure. At that time V. V. Ashford had a quarrel with his political friends. Although in a position, as commander of the volunteer forces, of high responsibility and trust under the Government, he had been an active political worker against the Government. Then he sent word to me and asked for a truce between himself and the Government, and asked that I make an appointment with him (which for reasons was not kept), a second, which also was not kept, and finally a third was made, which was kept in my office. In the presence of a mutual friend the interview was held, and he made this statement. He said that he wished to be perfectly frank. He said that he had worked against the Government, admitted that he had been writing for the Elele to a large extent, but was sick of his associates, they were a mean lot generally and he wanted to done with them. He offered either to retain his position as colonel and work secretly for us or to resign altogether and take the stump openly. He made, however, one condition. He said, "My reason for opposition to you has been my belief that you and the other members of the cabinet were engaged in a conspiracy against my brother. But if you and the others will promise to stand by him in the next Legislature, I will do all that I can for you." I heard all that he had to say, and then replied what we wanted is votes. Votes are what counts, and that we should be glad of your assistance and vote and the votes that you control. As for promises, I have stood by you straight through and have done nothing for you that I ever agreed to do, and the only result has been that you have constantly villified me. I consider myself discharged of any obligations to you and will make no promises and no agreements with you. As far as the relations of the cabinet to C. W. Ashford are concerned your course will have nothing to do with it. C. W. Ashford has stood by us so far as I know and we propose to stand by him, and if we go down we will go down together. Shortly after the election of the colonel came up, and V. V. Ashford was elected. The election was certified up to the cabinet and it became our duty to decide whether to approve or reject it, and it was not until after consideration of all the facts that I have mentioned, that we came to the conclusion that it was our duty not to indorse the election, and that we would be faithless to the interests of the community if we again allowed that man to go in as the head of the military. I don't say that we had evidence to warrant his arrest and trial. We did not feel justified in taking that action, but we did feel justified in refusing to ratify his election, as we knew that he was a man in whom we could not confide in case of another 30th of July. We therefore did not recommend him to the King, and the matter was referred back to the officers again. Mr. V. V. Ashford asked for our reasons. We refused to give them orally, but said that if he would make application in writing we would state them in writing. He stated that he would apply in writing, but later he sent a letter to the minister of foreign affairs stating that he would make no written application, as it was contrary to military principles and ettiquette. 326 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. The next step was his reelection by a majority of the officers. Before we took action on the reelection the attorney-general returned. This brings me to the third branch of my statement, viz., the reason why we have distrusted C. W. Ashford, and this brings me to one of the most painful experiences of my life, because C. W. Ashford has not only been my official companion for three years, but because ever since he came here, seven years ago, he has been my intimate friend, and in this world intimate friends are not many. I have worked with him, trusted him, have passed through trying periods with him, shoulder to shoulder, have stood by him. When prominent members proposed to put him out of the cabinet last Legislature and go on with a new minister, I said no. if we go out we go out together. And I wish to say here that I believe, and know from previous experiences many years, that we have never had an attorney-general who has worked harder and more faithfully in the conduct of the business of his office than he has. The relations of the cabinet with the attorney-general continued most cordial up to the time of his departure for the United States. He has mentioned a point of difference of opinion with regard to the treaty. It did not interfere with our cordial relations and was solely a matter of discussion, and was adjusted by the cabinet. As evidence of this and against the published statements made by C. W. Ashford, over his own signature, and before the finance committee I will read from the reply on October 4 last to the committee which waited on the cabinet concerning the treaty. This reply was constructed in the following manner: After full discussion of the whole topic, each member of the cabinet made a draft of a reply. Then section were taken from each and embodied in the final draft, so that the three replies, including Mr. Ashford's, are there. The beginning shows that it is the reply of the whole cabinet, and the title so states. The ministers take pleasure in informing you, etc. it is signed by the minister of foreign affairs because it was a matter of his department. I will read a passage, showing that there was no difference of opinion at that time: "Animated as we are by the desire to strengthen and extend the commercial ties which have done so much for our national prosperity, and to secure the safety and perpetuation of our institutions by an alliance whereby we shall have the positive and efficacious guarantee of a strong friend against interference by itself or others with our perfect autonomy, independence, and sovereignty, we have instructed our representative at Washington to ascertain if the United States would be willing to negotiate with us a convention whereby the following objects may be secured." * "The cabinet for more than a year has studied carefully many reasons for and against the points submitted for negotiation, and has taken counsel with others, both connected and unconnected with the Government, and has considered various propositions and suggestions, some of which have been approved and some disapproved. "Any statements of objects or intentions, and any purported draft of a treaty stating more or other than is above indicated which may have been published, are unfounded and incorrect. "The ministers are strongly and unanimously of the opinion that the accomplishment of the objects above indicated will tend to greatly increase the material prosperity of the country, and perpetuate the independence of Hawaii and the sovereignty of His Majesty and his successors over all his dominions." Mr. Ashford left on November 16, 1889, with the utmost cordiality of feeling between the cabinet. He left, as he sated, on account of his health, expecting to stay over one steamer. Two personal notes were all we had from him until his return on March 8, 1890. We had otherwise no direct communication with him, but saw numerous interviews in the papers in which he discussed all sorts of subjects, treaties, steamship and telegraph communication from Canada, all vital matters which should have been dealt with by one in his office only with the advice and consent of the cabinet. What he did in Canada we do not know. He gave us the barest outline of what he did. He did state that he had an interview with the Canadian prime minister, that he traveled as a guest of the Canadian Pacific Railroad in n a private car--[Attorney General, No]. Then some one else told me about the private car; and to this day we don't know what his objects were or what he did. The first question which came up after his return was the colonelcy. The attorney-general having returned just before the second election, when the question came up he immediately called upon the cabinet to reverse its decision on the matter, to nominate Mr. V. V. Ashford to the King, and to appoint him. It is unnecessary to say that the cabinet pursued no such stultifying course, but followed its previous decision. The attorney-general stated that he considered this action against his brother as simply an attack upon the Ashford family, and he was not going to stand it. The question had to be settled, and the attorney-general was requested to state whether he intended to carry his opposition so far as to advise the King not to confirm the nominee of the cabinet. Mr. Ashford refused to state 327 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. what he would advise the King. I said it is an anomlous thing, something unheard of in this or any other cabinet, to go to the King divided. He admitted it was anomalous and regretted it, but said that he could not change his course on that account, but would take the matter into consideration. He considered for a few days and then stated that he declined to inform us what his course would be, as he did not choose to abridge any of his legal rights, and should reserve to himself the right to advise the King as he saw fit when the time came. We accordingly held a cabinet council with His Majesty, March 21, in which three members of the cabinet stated that they did not consider Mr. V. V. Ashford a fit man for the place and recommended H. F. Hebbard. The attorney-general then advised His Majesty not to concur in this advice and not to appoint Hebbard, because, first, there was no reason why V. V. Ashford should not be appointed, and, second, on the technical ground that the period of incumbency of the present colonel had not expired. His Majesty stated that he wished to do what was proper, and asked each party for an opinion in writing, which was given. He answered in writing laying down the broad principle that he should take no action in any matter requiring by law the advice of the cabinet unless he chose, unless he had the advise of the whole cabinet. As this raised a vital principle, striking at the very roots of constitutional government, it seemed proper to submit the matter to the supreme court, and w did so, after first submitting our statement of the case to the attorney-general, which he admitted contained a correct statement of the facts. The supreme court gave a decision upholding the position of the majority of the cabinet, that the majority should govern, as the majority of the legislature and of every other body governs. On April 10 we met His Majesty again. There were two subjects for discussion, first, the appointment of colonel, and, second, the commissioning of Mr. Carter to negotiate the treaty. The majority of the cabinet advised His Majesty to appoint Mr. Hebbard, and presented him with the opinion of the supreme court, stating that it was his duty to follow the advise of the majority of the cabinet. The attorney-general then advised His Majesty as follows (the exact words were taken down at the time): "The opinion of the supreme court is not in the slightest degree binding and is of no more effect than that of any other three men of equal ability. I advise Your Majesty to decline to follow the advise of the majority of the cabinet and that of the supreme court." This brings us down to the time when an armed force was being maintained at the station house. Now as to the special charge that the guard was kept in such a manner as to excite disturbance. The attorney-general has in unmeasured terms denounced it, here and elsewhere, and has declared that it was in a high degree improper and unwise, and detrimental to the public good, for from five to eight men, citizens, to guard the police station, arms being in the station, available for volunteers and regular forces if necessary. This at a time when R. W. Wilcox was at liberty; when, as he states in his reply, street rumors connected V. V. Ashford with disturbance; when the town was so disturbed that the heads of business houses were consulting as to what should be done to protect life and property; and this, although his words in August last, when the country was roused, when Wilcox and his confederates were in jail, locked up in prison, were what I shall now quote. On the 28th of August, 1889, the attorney-general wrote the following letter to the marshal: "DEPARTMENT OF ATTORNEY-GENERAL, Honolulu, H. I., August 28, 1889. 'J. H. SOPER, esq., marshal: "SIR: In regard to the protection of the arms and munitions of war now under your charge at the police station in this city, the subject has been discussed by the cabinet, whose ideas I here put upon paper, in the form of instructions to you, in order that none of the misapprehensions to which verbal instructions are liable may in any way interfere with a full mutual understanding of the situation. "The cabinet regard it as of the highest importance that those munitions shall be vigilantly and effectively guarded, and that all other matters in your department, existing or reasonably to be apprehended, shall be made subordinate to the due protection of the police-station building, its inmates, and contents. "I understand you have now in operation a system of guarding that building with six foreign policemen (two from each watch), in addition to those who are necessarily or incidentally on the premises as officers of the respective watches, turnkeys, etc. This, in addition to D. H. Hitchcock, jr., whom I understand is still retained as special night watchman in your own office, will make a special guard of seven foreigners, which, if its members are intelligent and vigilant, should be sufficient, supported, as it ever is, by the prevailing facilities for defense and the opportunity to secure prompt reinforcement by telephone. "But in order to its highest effectiveness, such guard should be under the immediate charge and command of some particular officer, and a definite system should be 328 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. observed as to the place and character of the vigils of the different members. In addition to this, there should be adopted a definite rule as to admissions to the building during the night, and such rule should and must be strictly enforced. The necessity in this latter direction is best illustrated by a recital of circumstances actually witnessed during the present month, during the day as well as at times during the evening hours, I having been the witness as to some of them myself. Thus there are certain foreigners in town whose fidelity to the present conditions is at least questionable and their sympathy with the late insurrection at least suspected. In addition to these are some native and half-white members of the bar, whose hostility upon this point is hardly a matter of doubt. And yet it is no uncommon thing for the parties referred to, sometimes several at once, to enter the police building and walk unchallenged through any part of at least the ground floor thereof. For instance, they have been seen to go, as a matter of course, into the back recesses of your office, whence the route to the armory is through a door unsecured, as a general rule, by either lock or guard. The key to the armory, moreover, has very recently been accessible to any one from that recess. I recite those facts, not in a spirit of complaint, but as tending to show how easy it might be for half a dozen armed and determined men, gaining the advantage of such an entrance, either day or night, to spring upon and overpower, shoot down, or intimidate the unsuspecting officer in charge and thus capture the building. If it be thought that such an event is not probable, the answer is that our aim must be to guard against possible and not alone probable attacks. I have, therefore, to request your careful attention to the following system of guarding that building, which may, of course, be supplemented by any details you may think necessary to add, viz: That the main door and all other means of access to said building, except the door to the receiving station, be closed and bolted (unless upon special occasions) not later than 8 o'clock in the evening, and I think an even earlier hour preferable. That the special guard shall always have among their own number a leader whose orders they will be obliged to obey, and who shall be responsible for the due execution by the guard of their stipulated duties, and who, in the absence of the captain of the watch or other superior officer, shall have full command of the building and all the officers therein and thereabout. From the fact of his being on watch during the entire night and not changing with the different watches, I should suppose Mr. Hitchcock (if satisfactory in other respects) an eligible man for this position. The guard should be armed with clubs and pistols, and should have, each man, his rifle and filled cartridge belt conveniently at hand, elsewhere than in the receiving station. At least one of the guard (I think two preferable) should be kept constantly on patrol in Merchant street between Nuuanu and Kaahumanu, to observe movements in the three streets named, as well as Bethel street. These patrolmen should be relieved, say, every two hours, by other members of the guard, and should be kept diligently on the move and observant of events. Half-hourly circuits of the block in which the building stands should be made by one of such patrolmen, i. e., around to and along Queen street. The rest of the guard should be on the alert, so disposed throughout the building as to be able to rally on any point immediately upon call, and at least one of them should be in the receiving station all the time, whence the means of access to the yard and ground cells is very easy. The patrols will of course give the earliest possible notice of any persons or events in the locality out of the natural order, and thus the entire guard will be ever ready to meet any exigency or repel any attack. In this connection let me caution you that nothing short of a tragedy within plain sight, or orders from the marshal, should tempt any member of the guard away from the building or his beat. In case of an attack they should meet it upon the sidewalk, at the doors, or retreat within the building, secure the doors and defend the premises from the windows, as the force and direction of the attacking party might suggest to the one in command, and telephone at once to the marshal or his deputies. Seven resolute men, well armed, should be able to hold that building for hours against any force that could be brought against it from the front. I understand that the hours of special guard are now from 8 p. m. to 6 a. m. While I do not now think it necessary to extend these hours, yet captains of watches coming on duty at 6 p. m. and 6 a. m., respectively, should be especially instructed to give particular attention to the guarding of the building prior to the advent and after the departure of the special guard evening and morning. This, I think, during one hour of each of those watches, should take the form of a small detail of their foreign patrols for this service. Now as to the indiscriminate admission of all comers to the different offices of the building. This should be guarded against during the day by some practicable yet reasonable rule, that will at once permit the despatch of business and secure the privacy of portions of the premises. After office hours in the evening no one except 329 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. members of the force, regular or special, or other officers of the Government, and attorneys and others upon legitimate business, to be stated to the officer in charge, should be admitted to the building. Let this principle be enforced. In particular I would call your attention to the oft-recurring absence of "all hands" from your own office during business hours, which of course leaves open opportunities such as should not exist for any venture such as herein discussed. I have frequently (and several times during the present month) tried in vain to ring up some occupant of your office. A trial of both telephones convinced me that no one was present. I need not assure you that this should not be, particularly at the present juncture, and I shall expect to see it remedied. Not wishing to handicap you by the enumeration of details to be observed in the carrying into effect of the foregoing instructions, I leave them chiefly for your own device and application. The main purpose, and in fact the only purpose, of my writing thus at length is to secure the ample protection to that building which its present importance demands. I repeat, that nothing herein is penned in a spirit of complaint but of caution and admonition only. I shall expect the main object of these instructions to be scrupulously observed and lived up to. I purpose to myself test the efficiency and vigilance of the guard in question from time to time, and recommend the same course to you. While I desire that they should have a general notice to this effect, for the purpose of keeping them on their mettle, I shall give no special notice of the hours of my visits. Yours faithfully, C. W. ASHFORD, Attorney-General. That was the opinion of the attorney-general in August last, when he thought that we ought to guard against possible, not merely probable, danger; when he thought that it was necessary to have men armed to the teeth with clubs, pistols, rifles, and cartridge belts. Now, when we have a volunteer guard at night only, with no weapons on them, he complains and sees a threat and a menace to the community. The statement that there was unnecessary ostentation and display is without foundation. As a matter of fact, the guard was there two weeks before the public knew anything of it. At this time garbled account of what was being done by the cabinet appeared in both English and native, which could only have come from the attorney-general. Arguments which the attorney-general made in the cabinet, down even to the underscoring, came out next day in the newspapers with those very points in italics. If anyone ants to know what it is to be in hell without waiting for eternity, let him be in a divided cabinet, knowing that every word and act is being reported and misconstrued by a traitor, with the knowledge that a man is among you whom you can not trust and the possibility of another 30th of July hanging over your head. That was the situation. What was to be done? The attorney-general was giving demoralizing and revolutionary advice to the King. Never before has the King refused to follow the advice of the supreme court. That was the bulwark of the country, and the King never dreamed of refusing to follow their advice, until the attorney-general advised him to do so. I say the action of the attorney-general was revolutionary, and it has brought the King into a revolutionary position, which he has maintained ever since. The chairman of the foreign affairs committee has referred to my "brutal statements" to the King. Mr. President, I am no courtier; I never was and never shall be one; I believe in speaking the truth, and I have done it. I have made no brutal statements to the King. I have treated him with perfect respect, but with perfect candor. When he was taking a course contrary to the law and the constitution, I did not tell him that he was doing right, but that he was taking a course that would bring disaster upon himself and upon the country. In this situation, with the history of Robert Wilcox before us, with the facts in regard to V. V. Ashford before us, with the attorney-general in open hostility to the cabinet, refusing to resign and saying that he would stay to paralyze all action, in this situation I say that even if there had been no truth in the report which came to us there would still have been ample ground for taking the precautions urged by the attorney-general in August last. The marshal came to me to consult. He had received information from a different source from mine of a similar character. He felt that he could not consistently with his duty to the community and to himself go to the attorney-general and tell him what he knew. After talking it over with the other members of the cabinet, the marshal stated that he could get volunteers, and stated who they were, men of the most respectable standing, clerks, bookkeepers, etc., as well as a few Government employees, who took steps, and the station house was guarded for several weeks before it was known at all. Now in regard to the night of the 17th of April, when the minister of the interior "was there," the Gatling gun run out, and the 40 armed men on hand. Ê 330 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. A 1 a. m. I was rung up with the statement that a policeman had seen a body of armed men. I thought it sufficient to put us on our guard. I went down, found 5 men of guard, and we telephoned for 3 or 4 more. No one else was there. The statement as to 40 men is entirely without foundation. We stayed till daybreak. The guns were not put out into the street; there was no unnecessary exhibition of force; there was no guard sent out to the Rifle's armory, unless you consider one lame prisoner such a guard. One or two men patroled. I took the statement of the policeman in writing. He stated that there was a passer who could confirm it, and the next day he brought the man who stated that he had seen some armed men in that neighborhood. Whether there were any armed men there, you know as well as I. At any rate there was the information, and I considered it was my duty to be on hand, and for the marshal to be on his guard. Suppose no precaution had been taken, and the station had been captured, then what? The fact is it was the duty of the attorney-general to inquire into the situation and guard the peace. He did nothing whatever, and the rest of the cabinet had to take the responsibility of guarding, not merely against "probable," but "possible" dangers. As to the statement that these precautions were calculated to create a disturbance, this strikes me as one of the thinest, flimsiest and most ridiculous propositions that I ever heard. Precautions of this kind are the first thing to prevent a disturbance. Look at Berlin on the 1st of May, labor day: it was a garrison. Look at London a few years ago at the Hyde Park riots, and citizens were sworn in as special police by the thousand. And yet it is claimed that the precautions taken here tended to excite a disturbance; that the presence of a few men at the police station, probably playing cards when not on duty, must so tend to excite Mr. Wilcox's nerve centers as to lead him to should a musket and try to capture the police station, just because there were a few men there who had a perfect right to be there. Mr. President, on this statement I am ready to leave it to the house whether the inaction of the attorney-general is to be commended, or the positive course of the majority of the remainder of the cabinet. Taking into consideration what happened on the 30th of July, would we not have been responsibe for any loss of life or property, if we had neglected these precautions and a disturbance had occurred. I am willing to leave it to the house, but if every man votes against me, I would still, in a similar situation, when I thought the country was threatened with a possibility of danger, act as I have, whether the attorney-general approved it nor not. Representative Bush moves to amend by referring to printing committee to have both replies printed in English and Hawaiian. Representative Brown seconded the amendment. The motion as amended was carried. House adjourned at 1:10 p. m. until Monday. Diplomatic reception--Brilliant entertainment at the United States legation. His excellency J. L. Stevens, United States minister resident, and Mrs. Stevens, held a reception at the legation, Nuuanu avenue, from 3 to 6 o'clock yesterday afternoon. It was an event both brilliant and pleasant. Flags almost covering the house showed their bright colors to the street through interstices of the luxuriant foliage. Lovely boquets, clusters of gorgeous lilies, and other floral designs, with profuse traceries of vines, made the interior a delight to the eye, while filling the air with fragrance. An elegant collation was spread in the dining room, and no guest was permitted to depart without receiving an invitation to be refreshed. His excellency and amiable lady gave a cordial greeting to all. Mrs. Stevens was assisted in receiving and in dispensing the hospitalities of the legation by the Misses Stevens, Mrs. Severance and Miss Severance, Mrs. J. O. Carter and the Misses Carter, Mrs. W. Foster, and the Misses Winter, and Miss Waterhouse. The band of the United States flagship Charleston, sixteen pieces, under Bandmaster Carlo, played on the grounds alternately with the Royal Hawaiian Band. The playing of the naval band was very much admired. The programme of the concert was the following: Overture--Masaniello. . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . .Auber. Chorus--Tanhauser. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Wagner.ÊÊ Gavotte--Festival. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . .. . . . . . . . . .Latann. Reminiscences of Verdi. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . Godfrey. Fantasia--Recollections of the War. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Beyer. Waltz--1,001 Nights. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Strauss. Patrol--Guard Mount. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Eclenberg. Medley - Ye Olden Times. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Catlin. The Star Spangled Banner. Hawaii Ponoi. 331 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Their majesties and the heir apparent were among the callers. The King was attended by Mr. Jas. W. Robertson, vice-chamberlain, and His Majesty's staff, Mrs. Robertson was lady-in-waiting to the Queen. Hon. A. S. Cleghorn was present with Princess Liliuokalani. Visitors were coming and going during the three hours, the following being some of them: Their excellencies Jona.. Austin, minister of foreign affairs and C. W. Ashford, attorney-general; Hon. C. R. Bishop, Hon. and Mrs. W. F. Irwin and Mrs. Ivers, Hon. and Mrs. W. D. Alexander, Mrs. J. I. Dowsett and the Misses Dowsett; Major J. H. Wodehouse, British commissioner, Mrs. and Miss Wodehouse; Mr. G. C. B. d'Anglade, French commissioner; Mr. A. de Souza Canavarro, Portuguese commissioner, and Mrs. Canavarro; Mr. Masaki, Japanese diplomatic agent, and members of his legation; Rear-Admiral Brown, U. S. N.; Mr. H. W. Severance, United States consul-general, Mrs. and the Misses Severance; Mr. F. A. Schaefer, consul for Italy and dean of consular corps; Mr. H. W. Schmidt, Swedish consul, and Mrs. Schmidt; Mr. C. Afong, Chinese commercial agent, and Miss Afong; Mr. A. W. Richardson, United States vice-consul-general; Mr. T. R. Walker, British vice-consul; Capt. Remey and staff, U. S. flagship Charleston; Capt. Green and staff, U. S. S. Adams; Capt. McCurley and staff, U. S. S. Nipsic; Lieut. Dyer, Lieut. Blow, and Mr. Cole (of the admiral's staff); Lieut. Qualtrough, Fleet Surgeon Woods, Dr. Weiber, Fleet Paymaster Arthur Burtis, with Mrs. Burtis; Fleet Engineer Inch, and Mr. Hollis, with Mrs. Hollis, U. S. Flagship Charleston; Chief Engineer Webster, U. S. S. Nipsic; Rt. Rev. the Bishop of Honolulu and Mrs. Willis, Rev. and Mrs. H. Bingham, Rev. and Mrs. S. E. Bishop, Rev. and Mrs. W. C. Merritt, Rev. and Mrs. A. Mackintosh and Miss Von Holt, Mrs. R. F. Bickerton, Mrs. W. Foster, Dr. and Mrs. A. B. Lyons, Dr. and Mrs. C. T. Rogers, Dr. Lindley of Kentucky, Dr. and Mrs. J. S. McGrew, Dr. J. S. Emerson, Dr. Kimball, Col. V. V. Ashford, Capt. Mist, R. N., and Miss Mist, Prof. and Mrs. M. M. Scott, Prof. and Mrs. G. Sauvlet, Maj. and Mrs. C. T. Gulick, Hon. Jas. Anderson, Mr. and Mrs. J. O. Carter and the Misses Carter; Hon. and Mrs. B. F. Dunning, Misses Dunning and Clarke, Mrs. Helen Mather, New York; Mr. and Mrs. George Fritch, Mrs. Eugene B. Rail, Mr. and Mrs. Layton, San Francisco; Mrs. S. C. Allen, Mr. and Mrs. W. W. Hall, Mrs. G. E. Boardman, Mrs. Robt. Lewers and Miss Lewers, Mr. and Mrs. T. F. Lansing, Mrs. W. W. Dimond, Mr. and Mrs. W. C. Wilder, Mr. G. K. Wilder, Mr. and Mrs. B. F. Dillingham, Mr. and Mrs. J. G. Spencer, Mr. and Mrs. C. L. Carter, Mr. and Mrs. E. A. Jones, Mr. and Mrs. H. H. Renjes, Mr. and Mrs. H. F. Wichman, Mrs. S. B. Rose and Miss Rose, Misses Chamberlain, Waterhouse, Winter, Payson, Atkinson, Brewer, and Snow; Messrs. H. Waterhouse, W. C. Parke, W. H. Baird, J. Dyer, T. M. Starkey, G. C. Potter, and Paul Hamill. _________ Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens. No.27.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE. Washington, June 14, 1890. SIR: I have received your No. 25, of the 28th ultimo, apprising me of the unexpected change in the attitude of "two or three" of the new members of the Hawaiian Legislature, by which the opposition to the reform party gains strength enough to control that body; also of the fact that one member of the present ministry, of Canadian birth, is in declared agreement with the opposition party. Noting your reference to the circumstance that the present "aspect of the sugar question" in our Congress "strengthens the opponents of the existing ministry and continues to depress and alarm the Americans" in Hawaii, I am, etc., JAMES G. BLAINE. 332 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. [Confidential.] No. 27.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, June 26, 1890. SIR: Corresponding to strong indications of which I have previously informed the Department of State, there has been made an entire change in the Hawaiian ministry. The attorney-general, C. W. Ashford, a Canadian by birth, since his return here in April from a visit in Canada, where he is known to have been in intercourse with the leading members of the Dominion ministry, had completely changed in his attitude towards his colleagues and in his views as to commercial relations with the United States. He is believed to have strongly entered into the Canadian plans of connecting these islands with the Canadian Pacific Railway by cable and steamer and commercial arrangements. He suddenly took ground against the reform party, with which he had been identified, and sought to sustain himself by uniting with the party he had before strongly opposed, and stimulating the reactionary tendencies among the less responsible portion of the citizens and residents here. The other three ministers, finding it impossible to carry on the Government with him, tested their strength by a motion of want of confidence in Ashford. The vote in the Legislature was a tie--24 to 24. At once the three ministers offered their resignations, and this forced the resignation of Ashford. A new ministry has been formed, composed of two from each party. John A. Cummins, a half-caste and a large sugar planter, is the minister of foreign affairs. Godfrey Brown, minister of finance, was born in England, leaving his native country at three years of age; he lived years in New York and California, and has recently spent a while in the city of Washington. C. N. Spencer, the minister of interior, is a native of New York State, but came to these islands in childhood. A. P. Peterson, the attorney-general, is a native of Massachusetts, and is regarded the ablest man of the new cabinet. As a whole, the ministry has less intellectual force and character than its predecessor. The reform party is in a measure satisfied, because it is better than it feared. The more numerous portion of the party of the King and of the native factions is dissatisfied because it has only tow of the four ministers, and these not of the most pronounced type. It is less decidedly American that the three best of the retiring cabinet, yet it is reasonable to hope that it will favor strong friendly relations with the United States. I have, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. ________ Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens. No. 29.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, July 3, 1890. SIR: I have read with interest your No. 26, of the 9th instant, in which you transmit a copy of speech delivered on the 6th June last, in the Hawaiian Legislative Assembly, by Hon. L. A. Thurston, minister of the interior, relative to the political situation in Hawaii. I am, etc., JAMES G. BLAINE. 333 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Adee to Mr. Stevens. No. 31.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, July 14, 1890. SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your NO. 27, of the 26th ultimo, announcing a recent change in the cabinet of His Majesty and communicating a sketch of its members. I am, sir, etc., ALVEY A. ADEE, Acting Secretary. ________ Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens. No. 2.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, August 16, 1890. SIR: I inclose for your confidential information copy of a letter recently received from the Acting Secretary of the Navy, transmitting one from the commander in chief of the United States naval force in the Pacific station, in regard to political affairs in the Hawaiian Islands. The letter in question seems to confirm the general tenor of your dispatches on the same subject. I am, etc. WILLIAM F. WHARTON, Acting Secretary. _________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. [Confidential.] No. 30.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, August 19, 1890. SIR: I regret to be obliged to report to the Department of State that the political affairs of this island Kingdom have recently assumed a less assuring aspect. It is well known that the present constitution was gained by the people, especially by the property holders and business men, in 1887, much as the Magna Charta of England was gained by the barons from King John in 1215. Kalakaua has always been restless under this constitution, to which he has solemnly sworn. The result of the elections last February encourages him to hope that the constitution might be so changed as to restore to him much of his former autocratic power. A movement has been put on foot to this end. A popular delegation, composed mainly of the less intelligent natives, led chiefly by unscrupulous demagogues, has formally marched to the palace and presented petitions in a revolutionary sense, asking the call of a constitutional convention. The King, without having consulted or received the sanction of his cabinet, has commended the objects of these petitions in a message to the Legislature. The constitution specifically provides how it may be amended, which is by voting proposed amendments by the Legislature, which amendments must be resubmitted and voted by another Legislature two years 334 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. subsequently. The business men and the more responsible citizens of the islands are greatly disturbed. For good reasons they fear to have the country convulsed by such an issue. The English commissioner and the undersigned have been urged confidentially by the leading member of the cabinet and by the most conservative of the Legislature to counsel the King against the rash and dangerous step. My English colleague, who has been here twenty years, fully agrees with me as to what the situation demands of us. Yesterday, in a confidential interview, the commissioner and myself gave our opinions and advice to His Majesty. Of his bearing toward us we have no reason to complain. The two ablest of his four ministers are against changing the constitution in the revolutionary way proposed, and it now looks as though the other two will decide to go with their colleagues. A careful count in the Legislature indicates that a small majority will vote to adhere to the constitution as it is, consenting to small amendments to be made in the way provided. There is some fear of a mob in surprise to force a revolutionary vote by intimidation, and there is little reliance placed on the native police in an emergency. The King professes that he is neutral in the controversy, and that he has only brought popular grievances to the attention of the Legislature. But the facts are conclusively against this pretension. None of the best citizens here have the least faith in these royal professions. He and a few corrupt parasites are at the center of the conspiracy, back of which is a big loan in London for their corrupt handling. Under the circumstances it is my duty to say that one United States ship of war should remain at Honolulu. The English commissioner thinks it highly necessary that one English ship should continue here constantly. All of the more responsible business men here are of like opinion. The presence of this force has a suggestive meaning to the disorderly element here. I shall continue to act cautiously but firmly, in the light of former precedents of the Department of State and of this legation, varied only by different facts and circumstances. Admiral Brown, who was here two months, who had former experience here, before he left on the Charleston a few days since was strongly of the opinion that one vessel, or more, of the United States Pacific naval force should be kept here, though when he left the aspect of affairs was apparently more auspicious than at present. The Nipsic is here, and I understood from the Admiral that on the departure of this vessel her place would be taken by the Iroquois or Mohican. I assume such to be the naval orders. I have the honor, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. _______ Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens. No.4.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, September 10, 1890. SIR: I inclose copy of a letter of the Secretary of the Navy and a copy of the report therewith on the serious political situation in Hawaii, which as confirmatory of your No. 30 of the 19th ultimo will doubtless be read with interest. I am, etc., WILLIAM F. WHARTON. 335 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. No. 2.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, September 17, 1890. SIR: My commission as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary has been duly received at this legation, and I have officially communicated the fact to the Hawaiian Government, and the King has received me formally in said capacity as the following authoritative publication shows: BY AUTHORITY. Foreign office notice. FOREIGN OFFICE, Honolulu, September 8, 1890. This day had audience of the King his excellency John L. Stevens, United States minister resident, to present his credentials as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States of America. His excellency Hon. John A. Cummins, His Majesty's minister of foreign affairs, presented to His Majesty the King his excellency John L. Stevens, who addressed His Majesty as follows: "SIR: In appointing me envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary, placing the representative to His Majesty's Government on an equality with the American representatives to the great nations of the world, the Government of the United States once more manifests its strong friendship for the Hawaiian kingdom and its firm resolution to respect its autonomy and to promote its welfare. "His Majesty may be sure that it always will be my earnest effort faithfully to carry out the instructions of my Government. "In doing so I shall endeavor to show proper respect to His Majesty, and in any counsel or advice which I may give I shall seek the peace and prosperity of his kingdom. Thus I shall help to foster good relations between the two countries so closely united by near neighborhood and common interests." His Majesty was pleased to reply to His Excellency John L. Stevens as follows: "Mr. ENVOY: It is with pleasure that I receive from you the assurance of the continuance of the friendly regard of the President and the people of the American nation for the sovereign and people of Hawaii. "And I am well pleased to receive as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States a gentleman who has already in the capacity of minister resident given so many proof of the good-will and kindly feelings entertained by him towards my kingdom, myself and my people. "And I fully appreciate the honor done to my crown and kingdom by the action of the President of the United States in placing the representative of the United States in my kingdom on an equality with the American representatives to the great nations of the world, and the expression thereby of his firm resolution to respect our autonomy and to promote our welfare. "The officers of my government will be instructed to tender to you every attention and courtesy during your official residence in my dominions. His majesty was attended on this occasion by the Hon. John O. Dominis, Hon. A. S. Cleghorn, his honor the Chief Justice A. F. Judd, Hon. John S. Walker, president of the Legislature; his excellency, Hon. J. A. Cummins, minister foreign affairs; colonel, the Hon. G. W. McFarlane, his majesty's chamberlain; J. W. Robertson, esq., his majesty's vice chamberlain; Maj. John D. Holt, jr., A. D. C.; captain, the Hon. Edward K. Lilikalani, equerry in waiting. I have the honor, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. 336 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. [Confidential.] No. 3.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, September 25, 1890. SIR: In my dispatch 27 of August 15, I have an account of the political status of things here touching a constitutional convention and the advice of the English commissioner and myself privately given to the King. Since the date of that dispatch the situation has gradually improved. The counsel we gave His Majesty appears to have operated even more favorably than we expected. By the intent or want of restraint of the King the fact that we had advised him against the revolutionary scheme of the convention became known to the public, as we presumed it probably would. The effect of this has been to unify and strengthen the efforts of the best citizens who are opposed to the convention, and to lessen the numbers and influence of its supporters. The King is not of those who stick to a losing cause. Seeing the increasing strength of the opponents of the convention in the legislature, and among the chief property holders and responsible citizens, he is more ready to appreciate our advice. We have it from good sources that the King is now opposed to the convention, and present appearances are that the convention scheme will be defeated in the Legislature by a decisive vote. The committee having the matter in hand, originally supposed to be in favor of the convention, have just made a majority report against it by a vote of two-thirds of its members. It is agreed that the question shall be taken up by the Legislature September 29. There are threats of attempts to constrain the Legislature by intimidation and violence. But at present writing it looks like a pacific solution by the legislative approval of some constitutional amendments in the manner prescribed by the constitution as it is. By the next mail following this I hope to be able to announce the decision of the Legislature and the final adjournment of that body. I have, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. ________ Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens. No. 8.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, October 15, 1890. SIR: I have received your No. 3 of the 25th ultimo, informing me that the majority report of the committee on the bill in the Hawaiian Legislature to convene delegates to frame a new constitution is opposed to such a convention, and stating, also, that His Majesty is believed to be now opposed to such a convention. I am, sir, etc., JAMES G. BLAINE. 337 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. No. 7.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Honolulu, October 22, 1890. SIR: Though it may be somewhat outside of the conventional rules of my office, a due regard for the interests of the United States Government seems to require that I should make a brief statement in respect to a coal depot in Honolulu. Admiral Brown has called my attention to the subject and asked me to express my views thereon to the Department of State. Previously to the admiral's arrival here circumstances had led me to the conclusion which I shall here indicate. I need not repeat the well-known truths as to the necessity of good stopping places and coaling stations for vessels of commerce and vessels of war. Napoleon's adage that armies march on their bellies has an equally strong application to the agents and servants that win commercial and naval victories on the seas. It goes without saying that the Hawaiian Islands have a commanding position in the North Pacific. The Government of the United States has long recognized this fact. If it is well to have a coaling station at the Samoan group, how much more important it is to have one at Honolulu. To one familiar with the facts it is plain that the supply of its naval vessels here should not depend on private parties and local dealers. The price of coal greatly varies at these islands, owing to the distance from the sources of supply and the irregularities and varying contingencies of the demand. At one time the wholesale price is nearly double what it is at another. If our Government can have proper and convenient landing and building for its coal, filled from our mines at home or by cargoes purchased here at the lowest market rates, I am confident that a large saving can be made in the cost of coal supplies to our naval vessels, which thus would not be subjected to undue exactions of the local dealers and to uncertain contingencies. I am clearly of the opinion that the views of Admiral Brown on the subject are based on substantial facts, and are those which business men would carry out in their private affairs. The owners of the land of whom he speaks are personally known to me as reliable and responsible men, and I think their terms fro the first twenty-five years of lease are reasonable, and that it would be well to secure the option of a subsequent lease unless our Government should decide to make an absolute purchase at the present time, which I would regard preferable. I have, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. ________ Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens. No. 9.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, November 12, 1890. SIR: I have received your No. 7 of the 22d October last, favoring the establishment of a coal depot at Honolulu, for the use of our naval force. A copy has been sent to the Secretary of the Navy. I am, sir, etc., JAMES G. BLAINE. F R 94--APP II-----22 338 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. No. 8.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, November 14, 1890. SIR: After a session of 146 days the Hawaiian Legislature adjourned finally to-day. The general course of its proceedings has been more deliberate and conservative than it was generally anticipated by the most thoughtful citizens. As my previous dispatches have indicated, the first months of the session were somewhat stormy and there was considerable public excitement, mainly growing out of the attempt to change the constitution in a revolutionary way and in a reactionary direction. The defeat of this movement was so complete and decisive that the malcontents gradually lost a large degree of their influence and gave up their efforts as hopeless, at least for the present. Some amendments to the constitution have been voted nearly unanimously, while the constitutional convention scheme was rejected by a large majority. But the amendments thus passed through their first stage do not restore to the King any of the power taken from him by the constitution of 1887, and the functions of the Legislature and of the ministry are not at all impaired. This result has been largely owing to the good conduct and superior ability of the reform members, who, with a majority of two or three against them at the beginning of the session, were enabled largely to control the Legislature. In this they had the cooperation of some of the most conservative of the opposition party. A careful review of what has transpired confirms the opinion that the earnest advice which the English commissioner and myself gave His Majesty was expedient and salutory. In this connection I may be allowed to remark that the sudden return here by Admiral Brown in the Charleston from Puget Sound, about which more or less comments were made by the Pacific Coast press, was not at my solicitation, but was entirely unexpected by me, my request having been only for the retention of one United States ship here. But it is just to say, that it is the judgment of the best informed and most responsible men here that the coming into the harbor of that powerful ship of war, the circumstances being as they were, had a very pacifying effect on the disorderly elements here. The average native mind and the more irresponsible of the foreign population looked upon it as a plain determination of the United States Government not to tolerate disorder on these islands. After the decision of the question of the constitutional convention the most exciting and important issue before the Legislature has been that of "labor." The sugar and rice farmers have a pressing need for seven or eight thousand more laborers than are attainable in the islands. The Japanese and Chinese are regarded the most available, and a majority of the planters prefer the latter. Yet there is among all classes a strong aversion to receiving into the country more Asiatics. The Legislature has passed, finally, with general unanimity, a very stringent bill, allowing the admission of more Chinese under a specific contract, with adequate bonds that they shall engage in no other employment than on the sugar and rice plantations, and that at the close of their terms of engagement they shall return to China. This measure does not apply in any of its provisions to persons now in the islands. The amount of appropriations voted are large, considering the population of the country. The total amount for the two years covered is 339 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. $4,774,171. Of this sum $200,000 is for the improvement of Honolulu harbor and its entrance; $63,000 for the new wharves and sea wall at Honolulu; $275,500 for additional water supply and the improvement of the works; $244,500 for the care of the lepers; and $270,000 for educational purposes and school buildings. The liberal annual subsidy of $24,000 for the San Francisco steamers is continued, and subsidies to the amount of $15,000 have been voted for a monthly steamer to Tahiti, and an equal sum for a monthly steamer to Southern California. Liberal appropriations have been made for roads and bridges, thus continuing the wise and highly necessary policy greatly enlarged and stimulated by the reform party when it came into power in 1887. A resolution has been passed, nearly unanimously, requesting the ministry to open negotiations with the Government of the United States for the purpose of enlarging the free list of the two countries under Reciprocity. While some bills have been passed which are not creditable in their character, in the main the doings of this Legislature have been such as to receive the approval of the best public opinion. I have, &c., JOHN L. STEVENS. N.B.--Allow me to express the earnest hope that no part of my dispatches relating to any feature or fact of Hawaiian politics be allowed to go into the published volumes of the Department of State. The official copy not having yet been received at this legation, I inclose newspaper copy of the resolution passed yesterday relative to Reciprocity. J. L. S. _____ Whereas, recent tariff legislation by the United States has, to a great extent, diminished the value to Hawaii of the existing treaty of reciprocity with that country, and Whereas, the history of the relations of the two countries has been such that Hawaii can with confidence ever depend upon the integrity, good faith, and generous friendship of the United States of America, Now, therefore, be it resolved that it is the sense of the nobles and representatives of this Kingdom in the Legislature assembled that the Hawaiian Government should, while guarding most zealously the freedom, autonomy, and independent sovereignty of the Kingdom of Hawaii, enter into negotiations with the United States Government for a treaty revision looking toward the extension of the principle of reciprocity between the two countries to other articles which may be the product or manufacture of the two con tries with a view to the continuance and increase of the mutual benefits which have heretofore accrued to both countries under the existing reciprocity treaty. ___________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. No. 9.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, November 20, 1890. SIR: His Majesty, King Kalakaua, with consent of his cabinet and friends, will probably take passage on board the U. S. ship Charleston, Admiral Brown in command, Tuesday, February 25, for San Francisco. He makes this visit to the Pacific coast for the benefit of his health, at this time not very good. I understand he would be pleased to have official recognition on his arrival at San Francisco, but there- 340 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. after would wish to travel incog., or in a private manner. It is not now supposed that he will go east of the mountains, unless on his arrival at San Francisco he should receive advices from Minister Carter to the import that it is an opportune time to enter on new negotiations at Washington relative to Reciprocity. The belief prevails here among the best informed that the fitting time for this will not be before late in the winter or in the spring. If deemed necessary and proper, a telegram can be sent from Washington directing that the usual salutes be fired on the arrival of the King in the Charleston. It is thought that the passage from Honolulu to San Francisco will take from twelve to fourteen days. The King will be accompanied by his chamberlain, Col. George W. McFarland. I am, sir, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. _______ Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens. No. 11.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, December 5, 1890. SIR: I have received your No. 9 of the 20th ultimo, relative to the departure of His Majesty, the King of Hawaii, for San Francisco. Stating that every proper courtesy will be shown to His Majesty on his arrival, I am, sir, etc., JAMES G. BLAINE. __________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. No. 16.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, February 5, 1891. SIR: Eight days prior to its reception at this legation the Department of State had received the sad intelligence of the death of His Majesty, King Kalakaua, in San Francisco, and of the attending circumstances. The Charleston, Admiral George Brown in command, arrived here on the morning of the 29th with his remains, causing a deep impression among the native and foreign population. In the afternoon of the same day, commencing at precisely 5 o'clock, the body was taken from the Charleston and transferred to the royal palace, the hearse being followed by the Hawaiian ministers, members of the diplomatic corps, American and English naval officers, escorted by a body of marines and sailors from the Charleston, the Mohican, and the English naval vessel, the Nymph, and an immense concourse of citizens. This display of honor was admirably conducted, largely under the direction of Admiral Brown, the chief portion of the military escort being American. By a note from the minister of foreign affairs, the evening of the 29th, I was officially informed that the remains of the King would lie in state from 11 a. m. to 11:15 of the 30th, for the observation of the diplomatic corps, and in company with Mrs. Stevens I improved the opportunity in an appropriate manner. 341 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. In the afternoon of January 29th, prior to the removal of the royal remains from the Charleston, the new sovereign was proclaimed, of which fact I was duly informed by the following communication: FOREIGN OFFICE, Honolulu, January 29, 1891. SIR: I have the honor to inform your excellency that on this day Her Royal Highness, Princess Liliuokalani, Regent, was publically proclaimed as successor to His late Majesty, Kalakaua, deceased, as Queen of the Hawaiian Islands, in accordance with the twenty-second article of the constitution, under the style and title of Liliuokalani. I have the honor to be, with the highest respect and esteem, Your excellency's most obedient humble servant, JOHN A. CUMMINS, Minister of Foreign Affairs. JOHN L. STEVENS, United States Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Honolulu. The remains of the deceased King will remain in state at the royal palace until the 15th instant, when the final funereal obsequies will take place. The present ministers perhaps will continue in office until the meeting of the legislature in 1892, the Queen not having the power to change them without the previous action of that body. This sudden and unexpected change of sovereigns has been made without commotion and with no extraordinary excitement. I am, sir, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. ___________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. No. 18.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, February 9, 1891. SIR: Herewith inclosed I transmit to the Department of State a copy of resolutions adopted at a public meeting of a large number of influential native-born citizens of the Hawaiian Islands, relative to the death, and its attending circumstances of the late King Kalakaua. I also inclose a copy of my remarks addressed to the committee who called at this legation and placed the said resolutions in my hands. I forward likewise a copy of resolutions adopted at a less numerous assemblage of native Hawaiian citizens, among whom I may name John E. Bush, formerly a Hawaiian minister, now editor of a native newspaper, and a present member of the legislature, a halfcaste, R. W. Wilcox, leader of the revolutionary attempt of July, 1889, and others of similar political sympathies. I am, sir, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. _____ [Inclosure 1 in No. 18.] RESOLUTIONS. Whereas the unbounded courtesy and kind attentions extended to his late Majesty, King Kalakaua, in his recent visit to California by the United States Government, the State of California, the city of San Francisco, as well as citizens and residents in San Francisco, and by Rear-Admiral George Brown and the officers and men of the United States Flagship Charleston have placed the Hawaiian nation under a deep debt of gratitude to the United States and to citizens of said country, and to said Rear-Admiral Brown, his officers, and men: Therefore, be it Resolved, that the Hawaiian people recognize, with the deepest gratitude, the great courtesy of the United States Government, and of officials and citizens of the 342 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. State of California, in the courtesies extended to his late Majesty, the King, upon the occasion af his recent visit to California, where he met his most untimely death; and be it further Resolved, That we recognize a like debt of gratitude to Rear-Admiral Brown, of the American Flagship Charleston, and to his officers and men, in their more than courteous treatment and care of his late Majesty, King Kalakaua, both in going to California and in their tender care and attention during his illness and in returning his remains to our midst; and be it further Resolved, That an engrossed copy hereof be presented to his excellency John L. Stevens, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States in Honolulu, for transmission to Washington; that a like copy be sent to the governor of California; another to the mayor of the city of San Francisco, and another be presented to Rear-Admiral Brown, on behalf of his late Majesty's grateful subjects and friends. HONOLULU, H. I., 5th February, A. D. 1891. PAUL P. KOMOA, W. L. HOLOKOHILI. S. K. KANE, J. KALUA KABOOKANO, JOHN LOT KAULAKOU, JOHN F. COLBURN, PARK P. ROBINSON, SAMUEL PARKER, WM. G. IRWIN, E. C. MACFARLANE, WM. R. CASTLE, ALEX. YOUNG, C. O. BERGERY, PAUL R. ISENBERG, F. M. SWANZY, JOHN W. KALVA, A. ROSA, Committee. [Inclosure 2 in No. 18.] Remarks of Minister Stevens. GENTLEMEN: It is with no ordinary emotions that I meet you under the afflictive circumstances which call you to this legation. I recognize in your committee the honored representatives of a large and influential portion of the native citizens of Hawaii, all equally interested in the welfare of their country. As the American minister at this capital I receive the resolutions which you place in my hands as the expression of the warm and sincere feelings cherished by the citizens of Hawaii for the citizens and Government of the United States. The manner in which these sentiments are called forth, and the attending circumstances of your late Sovereign's death, can not fail to strengthen permanently the fraternal and friendly relations between this island Kingdom, and the American nation, which are united by the triple bonds of moral sympathy, of near neighborhood, and of common interests. It will be my duty as well as my pleasure to transmit copies of your resolutions to the President of the United States, to the governor of California, and to the mayor of San Francisco. __________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. No. 19.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, February 16, 1891. SIR: The Chamber of Commerce of Honolulu, an important commercial body, wishing to express thanks to the United States Government and to the people of California for the honors and kindness shown to the late King Kalakaua in his visit, illness, and death, has adopted resolutions, an engrossed copy of which is here inclosed, which is forwarded to the Department of State agreeably to request. I am, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. 343 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. [Inclosure in No. 19.] Resolutions unanimously passed by the Honolulu Chamber of Commerce. Whereas the Hawaiian nation is under the highest obligation to the United States Government, to the State of California, to the corporation of San Francisco, and to the citizens of said State and city, for their truly royal welcome and entertainment of His Majesty King Kalakaua, and for the distinguished feelings of friendship and esteem exhibited toward him and the Hawaiian people in their tender and sympathetic care of the King during his recent illness, and in the funeral obsequies held in San Francisco, and in returning His Majesty's remains to its home; and Whereas a like obligation has been incurred to Rear-Admiral George Brown and his staff, and to the officers and crew of the U. S. S. Charleston for their unfailing care and attention to the King in his recent visit to California, and in the return of his remains to Hawaii: Therefore be it Resolved, That the Honolulu Chamber of Commerce joins with all others in this country in expressions of the most cordial thanks to the United States Government, to the State of California, to the corporation of San Francisco, and to the citizens of said State and city for their courteous attentions to His Majesty the King during his recent visit and for the like respectful and tender care of the dead King's remains, and Resolved, That we likewise tender to Real-Admiral George Brown and his staff and to the officers and crew of the U. S. S. Charleston the heartfelt thanks of this association for the courteous attentions paid to His Majesty during his visit to the Pacific coast and in the honorable attentions paid to his remains upon their return to the land of his birth. Resolved, That an engrossed copy of the above preamble and resolutions be forwarded to the Secretary of State of the United States, to the governor of the State of California, to the mayor of the city of San Francisco, to Rear-Admiral George Brown and Captain Remy, commanding U. S. S. Charleston. Resolved, That the above preamble and resolutions be spread upon the records of this Chamber of Commerce and that the same be published in the newspapers of this place. F. A. SCHAEFER, Vice-President . I. B. ATHERTON, Secretary. HONOLULU, February 4, 1891. ____________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. [Confidential.] No. 20.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, February 22, 1891. SIR: The funeral services, with the customary honors, of King Kalakaua, took place February 15, a full account of which being contained in the printed slips which I forwarded with a previous dispatch. In the two weeks while the royal remains were lying in state in the palace, there was a good deal of friction between the dowager Queen, Kapiolani, and the reigning Queen. Almost from the day of the arrival of the news, by the Charleston, of the death of Kalakaua, there has been a deep interest here as to what may be the course of the new sovereign as to the cabinet and the persons who may have her confidence. Unfortunately, from the first hour of her accession she has been surrounded by some of the worst elements in the country, persons of native and foreign birth. The present ministry has been but a few month in office, and the best men of the islands, including nearly all the principal business men, wish the present ministry to remain, who by the present constitution, are chiefly independent of the Crown and can not be removed except by impeachment, or by the vote of the Legislature. Under her extreme notions of sovereign authority and the influence of her bad advisers, the Queen is trying to force the resignation of the ministers and to get a cabinet composed of her tools. So far the min- 344 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. isters have refused to resign and the best public opinion increases in their support. Should the supreme court sustain the right of the ministers, which is very clearly and strongly intrenched in the constitution, the ministers will be supported by such a united determination of the business men and other better citizens of the islands as will force the Queen to yield; if she should still persist and attempt to form a ministry of her own, without the consent of the Legislature, she will surely imperil her throne. She is well known to be much more stubborn in character than her brother, the late King, but my present belief is that she will finally yield to the legal and other legitimate forces operative againt her present course, and place herself in the hands of the conservative and respectable men of the country as the only way to retain her throne. I am, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. ______ [Inclosure in No. 20.] FOREIGN OFFICE NOTICE. FOREIGN OFFICE, Honolulu, February 16, 1891. This day had audience of the Queen: His excellency John L. Stevens, United States envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary. His excellency Hon. John A. Cummins, Her Majesty's minister of foreign affairs, presented to Her Majesty his excellency John L. Stevens, who addressed Her Majesty in the following words: "MADAM: It is my official duty to offer to Your Majesty congratulations on your accession to the throne in accordance with the provisions of the constitution of your Kingdom. Turning from the funeral scenes through which we have just passed, I address Your Majesty words of hope as to the future of your reign. Standing on the border land of death and the future world, of which we have been so solemnly reminded by what has just transpired within our midst, and reverent toward the Supreme God, to whom all are accountable, the minister of the United States expresses his earnest gratification that Your Majesty has taken the firm resolution to aid in making your reign a strictly constitutional reign; to maintain the constitutional right of your ministers to administer the laws, and always to acknowledge their responsibility to the Legislature in the performance of their sworn obligations. In the wish thus to respect the supreme authority of the constitution and the laws Your Majesty places yourself in the exalted rank of the best sovereigns of the world, and thus will avoid those embarrassments and perplexities which have so often disturbed the peace and crippled the prosperity of countries not blessed with free and enlightened constitutions. It is my earnest prayer that Your Majesty may be able to carry out your noble resolution, and thus have full time and opportunity to discharge the duties which Your Majesty justly regards necessary to the success of your reign and beneficial to your whole people. In endeavoring to make good these auspicious promises, Your Majesty will have the full sympathy and the good wishes of the Government which I have the honor to represent at this capital." _______ Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens. No. 15.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, February 28, 1891. SIR: I have received your No. 16, of the 5th instant, relating to the death of King Kalakaua and the accession of Queen Liliuokalani; and your No. 18, of the 9th instant, transmitting a resolution of Hawaiian citizens expressive of the gratitude to the Government of the United States, the governor of California, and the mayor of San Francisco, and through them to the people they represent, for courtesies extended to the late King during his recent visit to California, and of their thanks to Rear-Admiral Brown and the officers and men under his command, 345 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. on the United States flagship Charleston, for the attentive entertainment of His late Majesty on his way to this country, and the solicitude and care with which his remains were returned to Honolulu on board that ship. This Government is gratified to be apprised of the accession of Her Majesty Queen Liliuokalani, surrounded and sustained as she is by the good will and sympathy of her people; and I hasten to express on its behalf, not congratulations and good wishes alone, but the confident expectation that the high duties devolved upon her by the act of Providence will be wisely and beneficently discharged. By his visits to this country, where he was always assured of a sincere and cordial welcome, the person of the late King had become familiar to many of the people, and his approachableness, the simplicity and amiability of his manner and the kindliness of his disposition had rendered him the object of their friendly regard and aroused the desire on their part to testify their sentiments by such hospitalities as they might offer with propriety. It is therefore not necessary to emphasize the fact that his death among them became the cause of something more than a merely formal expression of sorrow, or that he will be long and pleasantly borne in remembrance. The many years of friendship between his late Majesty and the Government of the United States, and the neighborhood and common interests of the Hawaiian and American peoples made it peculiarly fitting that the last honors should be paid to him, and his body be returned to his people, by officers and men of the American Navy, and on board an American ship of war. Your address to the committee of Hawaiian citizens, at whose hands you received the copy of resolutions transmitted by you, is approved. I am, etc., JAMES G. BLAINE. __________ Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens. No. 16.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE. Washington, March 2, 1891. SIR: I have received your Nos. 21-30, and 21 bis of the old series, and Nos. 1-16 and No. 18 of the new series. I am, sir, etc., JAMES G. BLAINE. ___________ Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens. No. 19.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, March 10, 1891. SIR: I have received with great appreciation the copy of the resolutions of February 4, 1891, of the Honolulu Chamber of Commerce which accompany your No. 19 of 16th ultimo, relating to the late visit of His Majesty King Kalakaua to this country, and to his lamented death; as also to the attention paid him while here and the solemn conveyance of his remains by one of our war-ships, from California to Honolulu. I am, etc., JAMES G. BLAINE. 346 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens. No. 20.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Honolulu, March 14, 1891. SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your No. 20, of the 22d ultimo, on the political situation in Hawaii. It has been read with interest. I am, sir, etc., JAMES G. BLAINE. ___________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. No. 21.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, March 26, 1891. SIR: Your dispatch 15, of February 28, was received at this legation march 15. The chief portion thereof, all that relates to the late King Kalakaua and to Her Majesty the Queen, was duly communicated to the minister of foreign affairs, with the request that it should be read or otherwise made known to her, in a note dated March 17, to which I have received a response, a full copy of which is herewith inclosed. I am, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. _____ [Inclosure in No. 21.] DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, Honolulu, March 24, 1891. SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your excellency's dispatch of the 17th instant, announcing that you had received from your Government a communication through the Secretary of State, Hon. James G. Blaine, relative to the death of King Kalakaua and the accession of Queen Liliuokalani, and the resolutions of various bodies of Hawaiian citizens expressive of gratitude for the kindness shown by the Government and people of the United States to his late Majesty, and favoring me with a copy of the chief portion of said communication for Her Majesty's consideration. In reply I beg to state that I have had the honor of conveying to Her Majesty the Queen a copy of the honorable Secretary's communication and have received her commands to acknowledge its receipt. Her Majesty is inexpressibly touched with the sincere sentiments of friendship for her departed brother and late Sovereign, for the Hawaiian nation, and for herself, so feelingly expressed by the Secretary of State for the Government of the United States. The duties of the high position Her Majesty has been called upon to assume will, under the guidance of the Supreme Ruler, be discharged with the sole aim of benefiting her people and in thus obtaining and endeavoring to maintain the esteem and friendship of all nations, but more especially of the Government represented by your excellency, whose friendship has been tried and tested in innumerable instances and to whose assistance and encouragement the nation is deeply indebted. With the highest esteem, I remain, etc., SAMUEL PARKER, Minister of Foreign Affairs. 347 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. No. 23.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, April 4, 1891. SIR: Since the date of my dispatch, 20, of February 23, the situation here has improved in some degree. Contrary to what seems to be the plain terms of the Hawaiian constitution and to the opinions of framers of that document, as well as of the principal lawyers here, a majority of the supreme judges decided that the cabinet of Kalakaua ceased to have legal existence at his death. Two of the four judges were appointed under the old monarchical regime prior to the adoption of the reform constitution, and have been regarded as not specially sympathetic with that document. But from whatever cause or motive, the decision of the supreme court was in accord with the earnest wish of the Queen, who was especially averse to having Hon. John A. Cummins, the half-white planter, in the ministry. Wilson, the half-white of Tahitian birth, named in my No. 20, whom, it is believed, the Queen desired fro the premier, was unable to form a cabinet that the public would likely to tolerate, of those who would consent to serve with him, and is obliged to be content with the marshalship of the Kingdom. As now composed the ministry consists of Messrs. Widemann, Parker, Spencer, and Whiting--equally divided between the two political parties in the islands. Widemann is a German by birth, long a resident here, a man of wealth, well advanced in years, formerly in the cabinet, somewhat erratic, quite irascible, and hardly calculated to get along well with his associates. He is married to a native Hawaiian. Samuel Parker, minister of foreign affairs, is of three-fourths Hawaiian and one-fourth American blood, a general favorite among the Hawaiians, and very friendly to the United States. He has appointed for his chief clerk Mr. F. Hastings, formerly for years a clerk in the United States consulate here, and a native of Calais, Me. Whiting is an American lawyer, from Boston, a resident here eight years or more. Spencer is a native of the State of New York, having come to the islands when a small boy, with his father, who was United States consul at Lahaina. The present indications as to the course of the new Sovereign are more favorable than they were the first two or three weeks after her accession. Her present bearing, and that of her husband, toward myself seem all that could be desired. It may be proper for me to say that I have it from the best sources, that my remarks on her accession, of which I sent a copy with my dispatch of February 23, have done good. Were it not for the peculiar characteristics of Widemann, the minister of finance, I would indorse the prevailing impression here, that "the present cabinet probably will continue until the next meeting of the Legislature," in June, 1892. I am, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. 348 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Stevens to Mr. Wharton. No. 28.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, July 23, 1891. SIR: In reply to dispatch circular of the Department of State of June 25 relative to the inquiry of the Acting Secretary of the Treasury relative to sugar counties, I have to reply that the Hawaiian Government pays no bounty whatever "directly or indirectly" on the production or the exportation of Hawaiian sugar. I am, sir, JOHN L. STEVENS. ________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. [Confidential.] No. 30.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Honolulu, August 20, 1891. SIR: Touching the import of the inclosed clipping from the San Francisco Chronicle, which has the appearance of being authentic, it is proper for me to say that the present political aspect here is peaceful. All the parties, since the death of Kalakaua, have been trying to gain the support of the new Sovereign and the influence of the palace, and this is tending to help keep things quiet in the immediate present. The selection of a new Legislature will occur in January, and the business men, as well as the leading political factions, are each hoping to secure a majority at the polls, and this tends to maintain present quiet. The probabilities strongly favor the presumption that a United States war ship will not be pressingly necessary in the two or three immediate months. But as early as the first of December, without fail, the month preceding the election, and for sometime thereafter, there should be a United States vessel here to render things secure. I have strong reluctance to being regarded an alarmist, but with due regard to my responsibility I am impelled to express the opinion that a proper regard for American interests will require one ship here most of the time in 1892. In case of disturbance the only legal force here is the city police and the palace guard of 60 men, both composed of natives and half-castes, a very frail and uncertain reliance in the time of special need. The rifle companies, composed of whites, were dissolved a year since by vote of the Legislature, which was done mainly to propitiate native prejudices and to secure native votes. The best security in the future, and the only permanent security, will be the moral pressure of the business men and of what are termed "the missionary people," and the presence in the harbor of Honolulu of an American man-of-war. The presence of a United States vessel not only operates strongly to secure good order among the many nationalities here, but it is a standing notice to foreign nations that the United States has a special care for these islands. I am, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. 349 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. [Inclosure in No. 30.--From the San Francisco Chronicle.] Ordered to China.--The Charleston to sail for Shanghai at once.--The steamers Marion, Alert, and Mohican, are to go direct from Bering Sea. [Special dispatch to the Chronicle.] WASHINGTON, August 10. Orders were issued to-day for the Charleston to prepare at once to sail for Shanghai. This means she will leave San Francisco to-morrow or Wednesday. She will go via Honolulu, and if her immediate presence is not required there she will continue on her journey, which, it is estimated, can be completed in fifteen or eighteen days. This will bring her into Shanghai during the first week in September, when if the expected outbreak of Chinese students should occur, her services will be most needed. I learn also, that a further draft is to be made on the vessels in Bering Sea. Orders are now on the way for the Marion to leave Bering Sea at once for Nankin, and for the Alert to follow as soon as she can be spared from her present police duty. Instructions will go from San Francisco, by another Alaskan steamer leaving this week, for the Mohican to follow the Marion and Alert through the Aleutian Islands to the China coast. The Department's orders to the Alert and Mohican are in a measure discretionary with their respective commanding officers. From the instructions now on the way they will understand that the situation in China is serious, and that they are expected to proceed posthaste to that country the moment the ships can safely leave the sealing grounds. _________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. No. 31.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, September 3, 1891. SIR: Proper respect to the Government to which I am accredited, renders it proper for me to inform the Department of State that the Prince Consort, husband of the present Queen, John Owen Dominis, died in Honolulu August 27. For several years his health has been imperfect, and for a considerable time before his death he had been comfined to his room. He was born in Schenectady, N. Y., in 1832. His father was of Italian birth, and his mother a native of Boston, Massachusetts. He came to these islands a child with his parents, his father being a master marine. He was educated at a Honolulu school, and for a while served as a mercantile clerk in San Francisco, and afterwards in one of the principal American commercial houses of Honolulu, until he was appointed private secretary to Kamehameha IVth, the reigning sovereign. Subsequently he was appointed governor of Oahu, which position he held for twenty years. In 1862 he was married to the lady who is now Queen, by whom, on her accession to the throne, a few months since, he was proclaimed His Royal Highness, Prince Consort. In 1874 he visited Washington and other American cities with King Kalakaua. By his associates he has been regarded amiable in character and of strong American sympathies. His remains are now lying in state at the Royal Palace, and Sunday, September 6, will be buried with royal honors. I am, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. 350 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. No. 32.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, September 5, 1891. SIR: The Hawaiian cabinet, with the approval of the responsible citizens and the Queen, is about to renew the effort for a revision of the treaty with the United States, and the aim will be to secure entire free trade, with the exception of opium and distilled liquors. Believing that such an extension of the trade relations would be beneficial to both countries, I will endeavor to condense what seem to me the chief reasons why such a treaty as proposed should be made and carried into effect with reasonable promptness. The present reciprocity treaty has been highly advantageous to this country, has largely developed its resources, added to its wealth, and much increased American interests and influence here. It is just to say that it has had a tendency to carry investments and business enterprise too exclusively in a single channel. The repeal of the sugar duty by the United States has struck the principal material product of Hawaii a very severe blow, and with the most favorable estimate it now looks as though bankruptcy must be the inevitable fate of more or less of the sugar-planting firms and corporations. It is fair to state that a large proportion of the liberal profits of sugar-raising made under the present treaty while the United States maintained the sugar tariff recently repealed has been expended in starting new plantations, in the building of expensive mills, purchasing improved machinery, and securing expensive methods and means of irrigation. It is obvious enough that no probable legislation or treaties can give the production of sugar here the prosperity it has had in recent years. It is equally obvious that a more diversified industry, a more varied business and development, would be for the ultimate welfare and civilization of these islands whose resources are much greater than the present population and the general American estimate of them seem to indicate. But reconstruction of business, like reconstruction in architecture and in government, is expensive to those who make it, whether by choice or compulsion. A new, enlarged, and liberal treaty with the United States would aid the present business men and holders of property here to parry the blow which the free-sugar policy of the United States has dealt their chief industry and means of commerce, and would tend to foster other agricultural products and commercial interests. A liberal and comprehensive policy, in the direction indicated, is absolutely necessary to save these islands from grave disaster and secure the American interests and influence here which our Government has so long held of vital importance. In default of such a treaty and policy, Americans and the sons of Americans, who reside and have their investments here, will be driven to California, to Oregon, and Washington, in the desire of benefitting their fortunes and of enjoying the full citizenship of the United States. Much as Americans may desire the rapid growth and great prosperity of these splendid Pacific States, whose great future is so wellassured, it is manifestly not for the best interests of the United States to have their population of business m en increased by depleting these islands of those who are now the very best sentinels and supports of American interests here. Bear in mind that the prospects and prosperity of the American Pacific States are becoming more and more attractive to Americans here, and it is no imaginary danger of which I speak.