351 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. It is also becoming more and more obvious that these islands are to be of commanding importance in the near future to American trade in the North Pacific. Great Britain, France, Germany, and Spain have taken possession of nearly all of the principal groups in the South Pacific and of the small isolated islands in the Central Pacific. If the Hawaiian group should slip from our control our national rivals would gain great naval and commercial advantage in the North Pacific, whose dominance fairly belongs to the United States. Nothing can be plainer than that it is our imperative duty to hold these islands with the firm resolution and the invincible strength of the American nation. To ignore their prospective value and to treat them other than with a liberal and fostering policy would be one of those blunders which justly have their place among the crimes of statesmen. Nothing should be done or neglected to be done, which would drive them into the control of England or Germany. At the present time the German plantation owners and the German commercial houses tend strongly towards the United States and want Hawaii to become an American dependency, and would even favor annexation. A majority of the English would yield readily to the same tendency if our Government should not hesitate. The thrifty and prosperous Chinese merchants and property-holders are ready to follow the lines of their interests in the same direction. But coldness and neglect on our part could not fail to strengthen foreign political interests here to the future embarrassment and injury of the United States. The rapid decay of the native race of these islands now reduced to two-fifths of the inhabitants, and the increase of the foreign population, are tending to create new political and commercial contingencies and duties which can not be ignored, nor safely disregarded. A prompt and vigorous American policy would prove the safest and most economical in the end. A liberal and wise consideration of present exigencies and opportunities, the laying of a cable from San Francisco to Honolulu, and the opening of the Nicaragua Canal would make these islands a garden, with a population thrice its present numbers, with taxable resources enough to pay the expenses of their government and institutions, and help make Honolulu and Pearl Harbor impregnable with fortifications securely backed as they are by walls of highlands and mountains. Commercially and politically they can be rendered of more value to the United States than Malta and Cyprus are to Great Britain. Napoleon's axiomatical remark that "an army marches on its belly" has an equally forcible application to commerce as to war. Whether the agencies of transport are caravans, railroads, steamers or electrical forces, there must be feeding places, coaling stations, and storehouses. No thoughtful legislator or commercial agent with a good marine map before him, can fail to see that in the grand future now dawning on the Pacific, these islands will be of immense importance to the United States, and that necessarily and inevitably they must continue under the increased fostering care of the United States, or fall under foreign control. A niggardly, hesitating, and drifting policy towards them would be as unwise and unsafe as unstatesmanlike. There is certainly no possible objection to negotiating and carrying into effect a full free trade treaty with them, for the aggregate of their products would be relatively so small compared with the vast productive resources and requirements of the United States as to make little perceptible difference in American markets and prices. 352 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Believing that the views I have herein expressed are in accord with much in the past course of the American Government and in harmony with the opinions of the President and of the Department of State, I submit them for what they are worth. As an American citizen, loving my country and caring for its welfare and its future greatness, I can say no less. As the official representative of the Government of the United States in these special circumstances I can properly say no more. I am, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. __________ Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens. No. 28.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, September 9, 1981. SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your No. 30 of the 20th ultimo, in relation to the need of an American ship of war at Honolulu. A copy of your dispatch has been transmitted to the Secretary of the Navy. I am, etc., WILLIAM F. WHARTON, Acting Secretary. ________ Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens. No. 30.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, September 22, 1891. SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your dispatch No. 31, of the 3d instant, in relation to the death of the Prince Consort. I am, etc., WILLIAM F. WHARTON, Acting Secretary. __________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. No. 34.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, October 15, 1891. SIR: It is proper for me to inform the Department of State that, in consequence of the serious and probably prolonged illness of Minister Carter, the Hawaiian Government has appointed Hon. J. Mott Smith, special envoy extraordinary to negotiate with the United States a treaty of the character of which I gave an account in my dispatch 32, of September 5. Mr. Smith is an American, is the present minister of finance, and has the marked confidence of the business men of these islands. Formerly he had resided here twenty or thirty years, but of late has been a resident of Boston, Mass. He has still considerable property interests on the islands. Arriving in Honolulu a few months since, he was strongly urged by leading citizens and the Queen to become minister of finance, and some years ago he was in the cabinet of Kalakaua, and visited Washington in behalf of reci- 353 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. procity, about 1876. Though my acquaintance with him is brief, I have good reasons to think the Department of State will find him a safe agent with whom to negotiate a treaty favorable to the interests of the two countries concerned. I deem it safe to say that now is a good time to secure Pearl Harbor in practical perpetuity. Mr. Smith leaves here on the 17th. I have, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. __________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. No. 46.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, February 8, 1892. SIR: The semiannual election of members of the Hawaiian Legislature took place February 3, after several weeks of exciting canvass. The principal issue on the part of the business men and more conservative and responsible citizens was in respect of treaty relations with the United States. These supporters of the proposed new treaty, which they believe has been negotiated at Washington, had the approval of the principal Government officials, though the cabinet is far from being vigorous and influential. The opposition, or "liberals," as they term themselves, composed mostly of the irresponsible white voters, half-castes, and of a large majority of the native Hawaiians, push their canvass on three lines--a new constitution, opposition to the present cabinet, and hostility to the proposed treaty, though it finally hedged and disclaimed more or less in regard to the last. These so-called liberals were led by Wilcox, the half-cast, who was at the head of the revolutionary outbreak in July, 1889, and by C. W. Ashford the Canadian member of the cabinet, who betrayed and deserted his associates when Minister Carter was trying to negotiate a new treaty in 1889. This Ashford has some ability, any amount of audacity, and is utterly without scruples, and has done his utmost to influence the prejudices and passions of the native Hawaiians. Both he and Wilcox secured their election as representatives from this island. The Legislature is composed of 48 members, one-half being nobles, elected by property holding or income voters. The conservatives and friends of the treaty have secured most all of the nobles and enough of representatives to give them a decisive majority, sufficient, it is thought , to secure the approval of the treaty, even with the Pearl Harbor grant in perpetuity. Not improbably there may be a change of cabinet when the Legislature assembles in May. There are increasing indications that the annexation sentiment is growing among the business men as well as with the less responsible of the foreign and native population of the islands. The present political situation is feverish and I see no prospect of its being permanently otherwise until these islands become a part of the American Union or a possession of Great Britain. The intelligent and responsible men here, unaided by outside support, are too few in numbers to control in political affairs and to secure good government. There are indications that even the liberals, just beaten at the election, though composed of a majority of the popular vote, are about to declare for annexation, at least their leaders, their chief newspaper having already published editorials to this effect. At a future time, after the proposed treaty shall have been ratified, I shall deem it F R 94--APP II-----23 354 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. my official duty to give a more elaborate statement of facts and reasons why a "new departure" by the United States as to Hawaii is rapidly becoming a necessity, that a "protectorate" is impracticable, and that annexation must be the future remedy, or else Great Britain will be furnished with circumstances and opportunity to get a hold on these islands, which will cause future serious embarrassment to the United States. At this time there seems to be no immediate prospect of its being safe to have the harbor of Honolulu left without an American vessel of war. Last week a British gunboat arrived here, and it is said will remain here for an indefinite period. I am, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. ____________ Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens. No. 39.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, March 3, 1892. SIR: I have received your No. 46, of 8th ultimo, in which you give a careful review of the political situation in Hawaii. I am, sir, etc., WILLIAM F. WHARTON, Acting Secretary. _____________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. No. 48.] HONOLULU, March 8, 1892. SIR: In view of possible contingencies in these islands I ask for the instructions of the Department of State on the following, viz: If the Government here should be surprised and overturned by an orderly and peaceful revolutionary movement, largely of native Hawaiians, and a Provisional or Republican Government organized and proclaimed, would the United States minister and naval commander here be justified in responding affirmatively to the call of the members of the removed Government to restore them to power or replace them in possession of the Government buildings? Or should the United States minister and naval commander confine themselves exclusively to the preservation of American property, the protection of American citizens, and the prevention of anarchy? Should a revolutionary attempt of the character indicated be made, there are strong reasons to presume that it would begin by the seizure of the police station, with its arms and ammunition, and this accomplished, the royal palace and the Government buildings containing the cabinet officers and archives would very soon be captured, the latter buildings being situated about one-third of a mile from the police station. In such contingencies would it be justifiable to use the United States forces here to restore the Government buildings to the possession of the displaced officials? Ordinarily in like circumstances the rule seems to be to limit the landing and movement of the United States force in foreign waters and dominion exclusively to the protection of the United States legation and of the lives and property of American citizens. But as the relations of the United States to 355 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Hawaii are exceptional, and in former years the United States officials here took somewhat exceptional action in circumstances of disorder, I desire to know how far the present minister and naval commander here may deviate from established international rules and precedents in the contingencies indicated on the first part of this dispatch. I have information, which I deem reliable, that there is an organized revolutionary party in the islands, composed largely of native revolutionary party in the islands, composed largely of native Hawaiians and a considerable number of whites and half whites, led chiefly by individuals of the latter two classes. This party is hostile to the Queen and to her chief confidants, especially opposed to the coming to the throne of the half-English heir-apparent now being educated in England, and means to gain its object either by forcing the Queen to select her cabinet from its own members or else to overthrow the monarchy and establish a Republic, with the ultimate view of annexation to the United States of the whole islands. A portion of this party mean only the former, and the other portion intend the latter. Failing to accomplish the former, the most of the party would seek the latter alternative. I have little doubt the revolutionary attempt would have been made ere this but for the presence here of the United States ship of war. I still incline to the opinion that the revolutionary attempt will not be made so long as there is a United States force in the harbor of Honolulu. But it would be rash to assume or asset this positively. Therefore I deem it my official duty to ask for instructions in view of possible contingencies. I may add that the "annexation" sentiment is increasing quite as much among the white residents and native Hawaiian and other workingmen who own no sugar stock as with the sugar planters. I am sir, your obedient servant, JOHN L. STEVENS. ___________ Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens. No. 41.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, March 19, 1892. SIR: The Department has received your Nos. 19, 46, and 42 bix. I am, etc., WILLIAM F. WHARTON, Acting Secretary. __________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. No. 50.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Honolulu, March 19, 1892. SIR: The Department of State will not deem it outside of the duties of this legation to report that a highly interesting manifestation of official courtesy has taken place to-day in the harbor of Honolulu. By due arrangement Queen Liliuokalani and the entire Hawaiian cabinet, as well as the royal chamberlain and court attendants, paid a visit to the United States ship San Francisco , Rear Admiral George Brown in command, who had sent the ship's boats to take the party on board. By the request of the Admiral, I was on board of the San Francisco to 356 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. receive Her Majesty at the rail gate of the ship. She was received with the salute of twenty-one guns and the excellent music of the San Francisco band. The Queen and party were conducted about the ship by Admiral Brown and officers, and other civilities were shown to the royal party. At the close of the visit another salute of twenty-one guns was given and appropriate music played by the band as the boats containing the visitors passed to the shore. The weather during the day has been exceedingly fine, and the occasion passed off in the best manner. The San Francisco is the finest ship ever seen in the harbor of Honolulu. Admiral Brown and his officers exhibited admirable taste and courtesy to the official visitors, and there is no doubt of the good influence of the honors and politeness shown the Hawaiian representatives. I am, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. __________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. [Confidential.] No. 52.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, April 2, 1892. SIR: That the Department of State may be well informed as to what is transpiring here in matters of politics and government it is necessary for me to report that the palace authorities have been seriously alarmed recently by what they believed to be strong indications of an armed insurrection. During the night of Sunday, March 27, by the direction of the marshal of the Kingdom the royal guard of sixty men were hastily put to the task of fortifying the approaches to the palace with bags of sand, fearing an attack. But no hostile force appeared, and public opinion decides that there was needless alarm. The Queen has lost much in public regard of late, and has incurred the special ill will of many of the native Hawaiians. This is largely owing to her having taken to her close intimacy and confidence a half-caste Tahitian, by the name of Wilson, who became marshal soon after her accession to the throne, and whom she wished to have appointed to the most important place in the cabinet, the ministry of interior. Responsible men would not serve in the cabinet with him and therefore he was made marshal of the Kingdom, an office of great importance, as under his immediate control is the chief police force of the country. He now lives in or near the palace, and the Queen appears to be largely in his hands. The administration of his office results in very gross abuses, and it is a striking evidence of the forbearance and restraint of the white and native population that they endure it. The great lack here now is an intelligent and efficient executive, which it is impossible to have with the existing monarchy. For twenty years the palace has been the center of corruption and scandal, and is likely to remain so as long as the Hawaiian native monarchy exists. There is little doubt that the less responsible and more resolute opponents of the Queen and the marshal are strong enough to capture the palace and Government buildings, but the more responsible and conservative citizens favor only pacific measures and urge forbearance. The existing state of things fully justify what I have said in former dispatches as to the need of a United States vessel here, whose pres- 357 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. ence has undoubtedly prevented an outbreak so far. I have strong hopes that quiet will be maintained until the meeting of the Legislature, five or six weeks hence, which will then largely control affairs. In the meantime "the annexation" sentiment has grown rapidly. Quoting those who would seek annexation by first creating a republic, to the larger number and more responsible citizens, the chief property holders, who wish to use only pacific measures, they would carry all before them, provided the latter could get any encouragement that the United States would take these islands as a territory. I am, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. ___________ Mr. Blaine to Mr. Stevens. No. 46.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, April 12, 1892. SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your No. 50 of 19th ultimo, relative to a visit made that day by Her Majesty, the Queen of the Hawaiian Islands, and by her Cabinet to the U. S. Ship San Francisco, in the harbor of Honolulu. The Department has found pleasure in making its contents known to the Secretary of the Navy. I am, etc., JAMES G. BLAINE. _________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. [Confidential.] No. 56.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, May 21, 1892. SIR: That the Department of State may have a clear understanding of affairs here at the present time, I must state what is transpiring of some significance. May 19, at 5 p. m., the minister of foreign affairs and the attorney-general called at this legation and informed me that the Government had decided to arrest that night or the next day a considerable number of persons charged with treasonable designs, and that the papers had already been issued by the judge. My opinion had not been asked, and it was then too late for me to oppose effectively and too short a time for me to investigate the proofs they claimed to have against the accused parties. In this confidential interview I was careful to have it understood that I would assume no responsibility in regard to the proposed proceedings; yet the line of my inquiries and the reasonable implications of my language indicated that I strongly doubted the expediency of these proposed arrests, especially as the Legislature would assemble within eight days. Subsequently I learned that the minister of foreign affairs, a native Hawaiian, had held back for some time against the proposed arrest, but finally yielded to the palace influences. On the following day, the 20th, seventeen arrests were made, and warrants were issued to arrest forty to fifty other persons. The arrested men include V. V. Ashford, R. W. Wilcox, and other leaders of, 358 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. the party, composed mainly of native Hawaiians and half-whites one of them being member-elect of the Legislature about to assemble. Wilcox was the leader of the revolutionary outbreak of 1889. Ashford, the ablest man of those arrested, a lawyer by profession, is a Canadian by birth, who served in the Union army during the American war of the rebellion, but is still a British subject. The persent belief among intelligent men is that there can be no conviction of the accused persons by jury trial, with the possible exception of Ashford, who will be tried before a foreign jury; and so strong is the prejudice against him that he may be convicted by a foreign jury, though the evidence against him were inadequate. Wilcox and the other half-whites and native Hawaiians must be tried by a native jury, and nobody believes they will be convicted. If these presumptions should be verified, Wilcox and other arrested natives will come out of prison only more influential than they were before. Why did the Government postpone these arrests so long and show this vigor just as the Legislature is about to assemble, there having been committed no act of violence, no hostile gathering in the streets? Obviously for the following reason: The Attorney-General unwittingly allowed me to understand what facts and circumstances otherwise informed me. The cabinetis very weak in itsmakeup. It had entirely lost prestige with the public. It knew that it was likely to be voted out by the Legislature because of its inefficiency. It hopes to gain strength by these arrests of persons against whom there is a strong prejudice with the legislative members elect. Who was and is the controlling factor back of the cabinet that forces this issue at so late an hour? The Tahitian half-caste marshal, the former reputed, if not the present paramour of the Queen, who terrifies her with the fear of an insurrection. This cabinet was mainly the choice of the marshal and the Queen, has never been passed upon by the legislature, that body never having been in session since its appointment, and does not dare resist what the Tahitian and the Queen see fit to do. This largely gives the marshal the key of the situation. In a mistaken hour, immediately after the death of the late King, a majority of the judges in an era of good feeling, knowing that the Queen was importunate to select a cabinet of her own, gave a decision of policy, that she had the right to remove the cabinet then existing and select her own, in the exceptional case of the death of the sovereign, though the most level-headed judge--an American, McCulley, recently deceased--gave a counter opinion in accordance with the plain terms of the constitution, for the exclusive right of the Legislature to removed the ministers is the vital and essential provision of the constitution, made in 1887, so intended by the men now living here, who placed it in the constitution, and so regarded by the principal lawyers here. That decision of good-natured policy to conciliate the Queen had the immediate result of making her Tahitian favorite the most potent man at the palace. She wanted to make him minister of interior, the most responsible member of the cabinet, but he found it impossible to find associates. but a cabinet was formed, who immediately made him marshal of the Kingdom, with the entire police force, such as it is, in his hands, with an attorney-general largely under his influence. These are the circumstances which have given Wilcox, Ashford, and their associates their opportunity to increase their political influence. While the best and most responsible men of the islands are disgusted with the relations of the Queen and the Tahitian favorite, they will not follow such agitators as have just been arrested. They wish to secure 359 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. a change by peaceful measures, and look to the Legislature, which was fairly and quietly elected, and is believed to have a safe majority of prudent men, several of them being of the chief men of the islands, of good American blood. Of course an American ship of war is still needed here; one is ample. And when the San Francisco leaves I presume another ship will have arrived. One whose captain or other commander is cautious, reticent, and firm is specially needed where circumstances are so exceptional as they are here. I am, sir, your obedient servant, JOHN L. STEVENS. __________ Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens. No. 50.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, June 7, 1892. SIR: I have received your No. 56, of 21st ultimo, relative to the arrest of several prominent persons at Honolulu, on a charge of treason, and have advised the Secretary of the Navy of your suggestions as to the presence of a war vessel of this Government at that port. I am, etc., WILLIAM F. WHARTON, Acting Secretary. _________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine. No. 57.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Honolulu, June 11, 1892. SIR: I forward herewith two copies of Her Majesty's speech at the opening of the Legislature, May 28. Of what is transpiring in that body and all of importance that may be done the first month of its session I will give an account in a future dispatch. I am, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. ______ The Queen's speech at the opening of the Legislature of 1892. NOBLES AND REPRESENTATIVES: Since the Legislature of this Kingdom last assembled death has taken from us your lamented King and my beloved brother. His reign of nearly seventeen years marked an extraordinary epoch in our country's history, an era of unparalleled commercial advancement, of educational enlightenment, and political progress. His late Majesty's memory will be held sacred by his friends, and his successful labors in the interests of his people properly estimated and respected by all. The decree of Providence and the constitution of the Kingdom having called me to occupy the throne of Hawaii, it is my earnest prayer that divine assistance may be vouchsafed to enable me to discharge the duties of the exalted position to the advantage of my people and the permanent benefit of Hawaii. With the consent of the nobles of the Kingdom, I have appointed Her Royal Highness the Princess Victoria Kawekiu Kaiulani Lunalilo Kalaninuiahilapalapa as my successor. Fully recognizing that by the constitution and laws of the Kingdom my station is that of a constitutional monarch, accepting the will of my people, as pronounced 360 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. by them through their representatives in the Legislature and my constitutional advisors, the ministers of the Crown, I shall firmly endeavor to preserve the autonomy and aboslute independence of this Kingdom, and to assist in perpetuating the rights and privileges of all who are subject to our laws and in promoting their welfare and happiness. I am gratified to state that my relations with foreign powers are of the most cordial and friendly nature. The treaty of commercial reciprocity between this Kingdom and the United States, which has hitherto proved so beneficial to both countries in building up and maintaining a larger commerce and exchange of productions, has been seriously affected by tariff legislation made by the Congress of the United States, the effect of which on our principal industry is being severely felt. I trust that such legislation as may tend to relieve the consequent depression will receive your early and careful attention. I recommend the appointment of a special commission to ascertain the most practical manner of developing and expanding the several industrial and agricultural resources of the Kingdom; and more especially with a view to enable small landholders to add to the wealth and progress of the Kingdom by raising such products as the soil and climate of the country foster. The probability of a decrease in the revenues of the Kingdom requires economy and retrenchment in the expenditures of the public funds, but I earnestly hope that every effort will be made to carry out all necessary internal improvements throughout the Kingdom. I note with pleasure that surveys are being made between the western coast of the United States of America and these islands, for the purpose of laying a submarine cable. I sincerely hope that every effort to connect Hawaii by an electric cable with the outside world will continue to receive your assistance. I commend to your earnest attention the invitation received by my Government from the President of the United States of America to participate in the celebration of the four hundredth anniversary of the discovery of America by Christopher Columbus by sending an exhibit to the World's Columbian Exposition to be held at the city of Chicago in 1893. My ministers will submit for your consideration the reports of their several departments and the laws necessary for the welfare of the Kingdom and the promotion of the objects I have referred to. Nobles and representatives, invoking the blessing of Divine Providence upon your deliberations, I now declare the Legislature of the Kingdom open. ___________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster. No. 64.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, September 9, 1892. SIR: I presume the Department of State already has information of the seizure of Gilbert Islands by the English Government. But I deem it well to send you the inclosed slips from the New Zealand Herald. I also inclose copy of the recent change in the Hawaiian customs rates. When the official pamphlets of laws is published after the adjournment of the Legislature, I will forward copies. At the present time there is considerable excitement here in regard to a new cabinet. The old cabinet has been voted out by a large majority, mainly because it was very weak and was very much dominated by the Tahitian favorite of the Queen and persons in whom the best portion of the citizens had no confidence. In trying to get a new cabinet the Tahitian and his associates push the Queen to resist the responsible men of the islands and the majority of the legislature. In my next dispatch I hope to announce the new cabinet. I have, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. 361 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster. [Confidential.] No. 65.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, September 14, 1892. SIR: In my dispatch, No. 64, of September 9, I expressed the hope that I would be able to send the information by this mail that a new Hawaiian cabinet had been formed to take the place of the one so emphatically voted out by the Legislature, but the deadlock between the Queen and the Legislature continues. She has announced a new cabinet, but it is so unsatisfactory to the legislative majority and the business men of the islands that it will undoubtedly be rejected to-day; but the vote will not be taken in time to send the information of the fact by this mail, which closes at 11 a. m. The Tahitian half-caste favorite of the Queen, the marshal of the little Kingdom, and his band of adventurers, still dominate the palace and defy the responsible men of the Legislature and the islands. An associate of the half-caste favorite is an American renegade by the name of Whaley, a disgraced and expelled San Francisco custom-house officer, now at the head of the "opium ring," and one of the supposed owners of the Halcyon, the notorious smuggling schooner which flits between these islands and British Columbia. This man Whaley has more brain than the Tahitian favorite. The better portion of the English residents are in substantial accord with the principal Americans in support of the Legislature, and the chief German commercial houses and influential German residents are in full agreement with the Americans; but more or less of the English are so jealous of the strong American sentiment in the Legislature that they support the Queen and the Tahitian openly or covertly. The native Hawaiians, composing half of the Legislature, are about equally divided. The unscrupulous adventurers of different nationalities--Americans, English, and Germans, without character, and most of them without property--are with the half-caste Tahitian favorite and the Queen. A majority of the Legislature and the best citizens of the islands are exercising remarkable forbearance and self-control. It is proper for me to say that just at this time Mr. Mott Smith, the present minister at Washington, is likely to be misinformed as to the real condition of things, for the rejected minister of foreign affairs, a native Hawaiian, of the Queen's supporters, still occupies the foreign office, and the American deputy would hardly dare send any advices to Minister Smith not indorsed by the acting head of the department. The U. S. ship Boston is in the harbor, and Capt. Wiltse will cooperate with me in exercising careful circumspection. In about twelve days from this I can send another dispatch. I am, sir, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. __________ Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens. No. 57.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, September 29, 1892. SIR: I have received your No. 65 (confidential) of the 14th instant describing the deadlock existing between the Hawaiian Legislature and the Queen over the constitution of a ministry, and have inclosed a copy to the Secretary of the Navy for his confidential information. I am, etc., JOHN W. FOSTER. 362 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. No.71.] Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Honolulu, October 19, 1892. SIR: According to what I expressed in my dispatch 70 of October 12 as likely to transpire here, on the 17th a resolution of want of confidence in the cabinet passed the legislature by a vote of 31 to 15; the 24 members specified in my No. 70 having been increased by 7 natives, thus making 17 native members in opposition to the cabinet and 10 in favor. As indicated in preceding dispatches the most potent factor in the pending issue is, whether the Tahitian favorite and the Queen shall defy the intent of the constitution as to the choice of ministry and the retention in office of the Tahitian marshal with all the abuse and corruption which surround him and the Queen. Though he has a wife, for years he has been regarded as her paramour, and her infatuation for him is now so excessive that he is believed to have almost absolute control of her official action. The two-thirds majority of the Legislature represent the chief men of the islands, and the friends of order and good government generally. The faction of the Tahitian has with it most of the anti-American element, and this is the reason why the ultra Englishmen all are on the same side, with more reason why the ultra Englishmen all are on the same side, with more or less approval of the English legation, the last simply because the legislative majority is strongly American in sympathy. As in the previous vote, two English members on the 17th voted with the minority, and the three Americanized Englishmen voted with the majority. The newspaper report of the debate I send gives indication of the drift of things in the Legislature. The minister of finance, who, in the debate, claims to be an American, was born here of Scotch-English parentage, and by plans and interest is hostile to the United States. Some years since he resided awhile in San Francisco, and it is said took out the preliminary papers for naturalization. But he and his brother are the chief members of an importing firm, mainly of liquors, and are the agents of English manufacturers. As stated in my No. 70, they were engaged in making the English loan in 1886, the negotiations of which cost this Government from $50,000 to $100,000. It is known that his plan was, if he had been retained in the cabinet, to push another heavy loan in England, thus aiding to mortgage these islands to English bondholders. To this scheme all the best men here are opposed. The insult to the American minister, spoken of in the resolutions and debate, was in certain anonymous communications published in the Bulletin, the official organ here, reflecting unjustly on the American minister, consul-general, and naval commander here for not ordering the U. S. ship Boston to hunt for the crew of the ship Wm. A. Campbell, wrecked in a gale 2,300 miles from Honolulu, of which the consul general has forwarded an account to the Department. I deemed it my duty to call the attention of the Queen and minister of foreign affairs to the falsehoods and insults in the Bulletin communications. Her Majesty's Government expressed in writing strong regrets for the offensive publications and the attorney-general pronounced them libellous, and offered to prosecute. I did not deem it wise to demand prosecution, but required only full apology. The apology made is not wholly satisfactory to me nor to this Government. I leave the matter with Her Majesty's Government, which makes strong promises for the future. The Bulletin newspaper in reality is the organ of the Tahitian favorite, of the ultra English, and of the more disreputable persons who sustain 363 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. the palace against the legislative majority. The editor is a Nova-Scotian, aided by an Australian and an Englishman. At this writing it is thought that there will be a "deadlock" of a week or two between the palace and the Legislature as to the appointment of a new cabinet. There is a prevailing anxiety in the public mind as to the actual state of things. The Tahitian favorite of half-English blood does not mean to yield, and were there not an American ship-of-war here, he would perhaps try to use his police and a mob of "hoodlums" to break up the Legislature, restore the old constitution, and thus render the palace master of the situation. My present impression is that the Queen and her faction will have to yield, otherwise the entire overthrow of the monarchy could not be long delayed. I may say here that the personal relations of the English minister and myself are still pleasant. I can not yet believe that he advises the Queen to hold out against the Legislature, as some private rumors indicate, though he is undoubtedly apprehensive that the success of the legislative majority means more or less an American cabinet. I am, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. ______ [Inclosure in No. 71.] Daily Pacific Commercial Advertiser, October 18, 1892. THE LEGISLATURE.--One hundred and eighth day, MONDAY, October 17 The house met at 10 a. m. The minutes of the preceding day were read and approved. Rep. Waipuilani moved the following resolution of want of confidence: "Whereas the present cabinet has not announced or given any intimation or evidence of any financial policy which will extricate the country from its present dangerous financial situation; and "Whereas it is essential to the commercial progress of the country that more favorable treaty relations with the United States be obtained whereby our products can obtain a free market in that country; and "Whereas the present cabinet has shown no disposition to favor any such policy, and the present head of the cabinet has displayed conspicuous hostility toward the representative of that country in this kingdom, and the general tone of the administration has been and is one of opposition and hostility to the United States of American and American interests, thereby rendering it improbable that any changes in our treaty relations favorable to Hawaii can be negotiated by this cabinet; and "Whereas the cabinet has given no evidence of any intention to attempt to remedy existing scandals in the police department, and have otherwise failed to evince any ability to successfully guide the nation through the difficulties and dangers surrounding it: Therefore be it "Resolved . That the Legislature hereby expresses its want of confidence in the present cabinet." Rep. Waipuilani said it was proper that he should explain in a few words his reason for bringing this resolution. Such a resolution had been brought once before, and he had voted against it because the cabinet was then new and he thought it should have an opportunity to express itself by deeds. The cabinet had now been in office a number of weeks. Week after week was slipping by and nothing was done by them, although a policy had been promised. But none had been announced for him to go on and discuss the matter in detail. Business was dull, closer relations with the United States were necessary and the conduct of the present cabinet was not likely to produce that. Everyone knew what the head of the cabinet had been expunged from the minutes of the house. All knew that the Bulletin, which was supposed to be under the control of the cabinet, had adopted a course antagonistic to the minister and to the whole of the United States, and the cabinet, which might have stopped it, had allowed it to go on. 364 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. If the cabinet allowed that paper to go on insulting the minister and remain silent themselves, they make themselves responsible, and antagonize the whole American people against us, and under such circumstances how could we expect to get a more favorable treaty. He favored free trade with the United States, which would be of great benefit to the whole country, and especially to the district which he represented, where pineapples could be canned and exported if it were not for the American duty of 35 per cent. Everyone knew that the reciprocity treaty was of the greatest benefit to this country, increasing value 10 to 100 fold. How could any more favorable treaty be hope for if the cabinet adopted a policy of incessant irritation toward the United States? Perhaps not the least reason for this motion was the fact that the cabinet had looked quietly on at the great scandal in the police department, and had done nothing. Moreover, the attorney-general had the other day actually proposed to refer the whole matter to another committee after it had already been investigated by several. Either that was an insult to the committees which had already spent to much time on the subject, or, if not so intended, the idea was to prevent a report and stave off all further investigation. No one had been removed at the police station. Let any member of this house go down on Maunakea street and he will see che fa played openly, with no attempt at concealment, the police mixing with the crowd. Opium was smuggled unchecked. The fame of the opium scandals had gone abroad and affected the good name of this Government. The attorney-general might institute proceedings to stop some of this, but the cabinet could not take to itself a stiff backbone and cleanse the evils oppressing the Government. Rep, Kapahu moved the resolution be made the special order for Thursday. The introducer of the resolution was prepared; the speaker was not, not having known the resolution was to be brought in. Moreover, the minister of the interior was not present, and no one like to attack an empty seat. The adoption of this resolution was no small matter, and justice required some delay. Rep Kauhi favored considering the resolution to-day. The majority must decide. This was the second resolution of the kind brought against the cabinet, and they must be prepared already. Rep. Kapahu wished to know whether this resolution was the same as the other. Rep. Kauhi said there was a strong family resemblance between them. The other resolution was really carried, but was thrown out on a question of law. Before sunset we should know what the fate of the resolution is to be. (Minister Gulick entered and took his seat during the remarks of Rep. Kauhi.) Rep. Nawahi said it made no difference to him personally whether the resolution was considered to-day or Thursday. But the house was sitting as judges, and if the defendants--the cabinet--wished a delay to prepare themselves, let them have it. If they were ready let the house proceed at once. When the late cabinet was on trial, the twenty-seven hour attorney-general said they were ready to go on. Rep. Kamauoha said a resolution had been brought before, which he had opposed for reasons very similar to those given by the member from Kona. He was disappointed in the present cabinet. He had thought they would do something about cleansing the police department. These complaints against the marshal had been made for a long time, and so it was with a feeling of disappointment that he had heard the attorney-general recommend reference of the matter to another committee. The minister of finance had, with the other members of the finance committee, presented a very strong report severely criticising the police department. How is it that he does not join in now that he is a minister and insist on carrying these recommendations out? He had had confidence that this would be done, but that confidence was now severely shaken. Another thing which inclined him to vote for this resolution was the fact that the attorney-general was the introducer of a bill--the registration act--which was very obnoxious to the Hawaiian people. Another thing which shook his confidence in the attorney-general was the bill authorizing the O. R. and L. Co. to mortgage their franchise to foreigners. The attorney-general might say that was not a cabinet measure. It had, however, the support of the cabinet, which made it to all intents and purposes a Government measure. Owing to the McKinley bill, the great industry of the country had come to a standstill. Yet the present cabinet had nothing to offer. The country could not afford to have a cabinet in office which was in open hostility to the United States or its representative, or which showed that disposition. We ought to conciliate in every way the United States, and show a friendly disposition toward that nation. Representing, as he did, the district of Kohala, one of the largest sugar districts of the Kingdom, he felt it his duty to support this resolution. Rep. Kanealii said he agreed with the first and last grounds set forth in the resolution, but favored the striking out that part which related to the personal relations of the cabinet with the ministry, because to drag in personal matters would only intensify feeling. All knew that the present head of the cabinet brought in a reso- 365 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. lution against the American minister. The house had cleansed itself of that matter by striking the resolution from the records of the house. The speaker thought that bringing that up again was inexpedient. He favored the resolution with that amendment, and he favored considering the resolution to-day. The claim that the cabinet was unprepared had nothing in it. This resolution had been the talk for a long time, and the cabinet were doubtless as ready to meet it now as they ever would be. We all wanted the flesh of this cabinet. Noble Hoapili called on the cabinet to say whether they wanted the delay or not. Attorney-General Neumann said he had not been aware that the resolution was to be brought this morning. He was ready to take some of the matters up to-day. There were allegations based upon street rumors, to which he was ready to make answer immediately; on other matters he would like a delay until to-morrow. He would like to have a few words to say on the registration set, etc. He had no desire to sit as a minister, and was ready to resign at any moment. He proposed to defend his action on the registration bill and O. R. & L. Co. bill as long as he had a voice and vote in the house. There were none so blind as those who would not see, nor so deaf as those who would not hear. If the house chose to grant time until to-morrow, the cabinet would be thankful. If not, it was ready to proceed to-day. Noble Hoapili, continuing, said the remarks of the attorney-general raised doubts in his mind. (Attorney-General: "Well, I'll remove them if I can.") This was the fourth resolution of want of confidence brought in this session. One was withdrawn, the second was carried; on the last he had voted with the minority in favor of the ministry. Since that time the ministry had stayed here, and the house had certainly waited a long, long time for them to announce a policy. For a long time there had been a general feeling throughout the country that there was a great deal of corruption in the police department and that the marshal should be removed. The cabinet had known that that was the almost unanimous feeling of the house. Yet they did nothing. He had no hesitation in saying that he supported the resolution on that account. A few days ago there had been a big disturbance on the street corner and the police had been called on to stop it, but they would do nothing. Minister Macfarlane (sotto voce). It was a luau. Noble Hoopili. He asked the police officer why he made no arrest, and the officer said the marshal gave the orders not to arrest anybody except when caught in some act of violence. A hack was there without lights, and vile and obscene language was being used. The police would do nothing, and finally Peter High took the matter up and with a speaker's assistance a man was arrested and punished. these things were a scandal, and if the attorney-general could not stop it someone else must be got. On the other hand, people came to him and told him that the idea was to remove the cabinet, so as to get an annexation cabinet in, and annex the country to the United States. If he believed that, he would support the cabinet. He would rather have corruption and scandal than annexation. He was distinctly opposed to annexation, and was so instructed by his constituents, but he favored close relations with the great "makua" over there. Rep. R. W. Wilcox had but a few words to say. The attorney-general had suggested waiting until to-morrow, but the attorney-general was noted for his readiness, and could defend himself to-day as well as to-morrow. So far as the announcement of a policy was concerned, every man, boy, and child in the country knew the cabinet had done nothing; so, what could be said in their defense? The same could be said in regard to the police department; nothing had been done. The matter of relations with the United States had not been much discussed in the Hawaiian papers, and as to that something might be said; but without it there was enough and the question should be settle this afternoon. Attorney-General Neumann. How does the member know that nothing has been done about the police department? Rep. R. W. Wilcox. Have not the committee made their report and recommendations? Attorney-General Neumann said he had also made his report and had wished a committee appointed in order that he might explain to them why their recommendations could not be carried out. Rep. R. W. Wilcox said the proposition to appoint a new committee was an insult to the house and showed that the attorney-general was not fit to occupy his position. He admitted his weakness. He came here and admitted that he could not tell the house why he could not carry out the recommendations of the committee. He would therefore favor the resolution. The part about the relations with the United States might be stricken out as there was enough without that. Rep. Nawahi said if there had been any publications in the newspapers regarding the American minister, the latter would have his remedy in the courts. He, therefore, favored striking out that part of the resolution. As to the rest, he did not need to state his views. The cabinet has had fair warning. He had voted against the last resolution simply to give the cabinet a trial. When it had been here a 366 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. month it was in order to say to them, you have been tried and found wanting. A man could not talk on an empty stomach, so he favored a recess till 1:30 p. m. Carried at 12:01. AFTERNOON SESSION. The house met at 1:35 p. m. Noble Thurston proposed to say but a very few words. He had stated his opinion a month ago, and had seen nothing to change his mind since. The present resolution was introduced by one who voted against the former resolution. It had been tacitly agreed that the opposition should not filibuster, but should quietly go about its business. That policy has been pursued up to the present time. There were a number of members who voted against the resolution then because they wished to see what the cabinet proposed to do. In the meantime they had been deciding what they themselves would do; this resolution was the result. Two members had stated that they favored the resolution on two of the grounds set forth, but not on the other. Here were five of the original supporters of the cabinet who had now declared against them, except that two of them were not agreed with one of the reasons set forth. The question now to be settled was whether the house had confidence in the cabinet or not. Those who had confidence in the cabinet would vote against the resolution, and those having no confidence in them should vote for the resolution, no matter what their reasons might be. All would not necessarily have the same reasons. For himself he did not care whether there was any preamble or not. He was prepared to vote for a resolution of a single line. Others might have a preamble if they liked. He was ready to state his reasons for his vote, and others might state or conceal their reasons as they saw fit. The member from Wailuku and the member from Hilo had both stated that the third ground, the scandals in the police department, was their main reason for supporting the resolution. That was their reason. The speaker on the other hand considered the attitude of the cabinet toward America the leading reason, and upon this second point he proposed to speak. In regard to the marshal, it might be that everything which the members from Hilo and Wailuku alleged was true, but that was a matter which would eventually be remedied. Whether it was remedied to-day or to-morrow, would not vitally affect the future of the country. There had been bad administration there before. The present cabinet had the right and duty to remedy that, and it was entirely within their power. The responsibility was upon them to do it or not. They have ample power. That is the point. The other charge is that they have developed no financial policy. That also was not so absolutely vital a point as the one upon which the speaker would lay stress. The second reason therefore contained something which might or might not be within their power, viz, to cope with the financial situation; but the third reason was something which struck right down into the vitals and pockets of the country, and it was something with which this cabinet could not cope. Pineapples were being planted on Hawaii, in Manoa, and at Ewa. Pineapple-raising could be carried on with large returns. In Cona all you had to do was to stick the top into the ground. Why were not pineapples raised? Because the American duty of 35 per cent destroyed the margin of profit. Why were these people starting in? Because they hoped we could negotiate a treaty and get that duty taken off. If it were taken off 500,000 pineapples would be exported inside of three years. It was not only on pineapples that there was a duty of 35 per cent, but on every species of preserved fruit. The member from Lahaina had brought in a bill about guava jelly. Thurston and his one guava bush in Manoa was made the text of a number of speeches at the last campaign, but the guava jelly will march triumphantly over the head of the speechmaker. If this duty can be got rid of, when guava jelly gets to paying a handsome profit not only the capitalist will benefit, but the poor man in Hamakua, for instance, where the bushes cover the land from the sea to the bush as thick as they can grow in unbroken masses for miles, and all you have to do is to go out and pick them. These were but two items which had been brought before the house by petitions and bills. He might go on the whole afternoon enumerating others. It was, therefore, obvious that whether the cabinet was on friendly terms with the United States was important, not merely to the capitalist, but to all the poor throughout the land. Two years ago the cabinet were charged with trying to sell out this country. They got them out and as soon as they did they adopted the programme of their predecessors and tried to get the same treaty negotiations. It was pigeonholed. They tried in every way to stir up feeling here against America and the Americans and then sought favors from the United States. Had they succeeded? The government which went in then was not personally hostile to the United States. The ministry went with their party. But now we have a cabinet whose leader 367 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. went out of his way to insult the United States on the floor of this House, and their organ carried on the same thing to-day. It was useless to deny government ownership in this organ. Government ownership did not alone make an organ. The New York Tribune was the organ of the Republican administration, but it was not owned by the government. It was immaterial whether the paper was controlled by the cabinet, or as he was informed, partially owned by them. He had reason to believe that the cabinet did have something to do with the Bulletin, and that its late apology, which apologized and then rubbed it in alternately, was written with their cognizance, and that the anti-American tone of the paper was an expression of the attitude of the cabinet. He did not propose to inquire whether the minister of finance had good reason for his resolution, etc. It was sufficient to point out the fact that there was the antagonism of the cabinet toward the representative of the American interests here. With the fact staring us in the face, was it not perfect folly to go home and let the cabinet stay there expecting them to do anything for Hawaiian agricultural interests? He was not talking on an annexation basis, but was speaking on the same basis as the attorney-general on the late want of confidence debate, who had expressed his views to a dot. The United States would never take possession of this country against the will of its people. it was not a live issue now, and when it was introduced it was done solely with a view to mislead. Annexation was brought up and trotted out regularly, and was simply a substitute for the old missionary cry. When an election, etc., was over it would not be heard of again until a similar occasion arose. Before being frightened by the annexation scarecrow it was well to stop and think. All history belied the idea that the United States would ever take this country against the will of the people. It had been the first to recognize its independence. Follow the history down. When Lord George Paulet hauled down the Hawaiian flag, what was the position of the United States? A United States frigate appeared here, refused to acknowledge the foreign usurper and, in defiance of him, fired a royal salute. Passing over this episode, which the British Government right royally retrieved, what was the position taken by the United States at the time of the French unsurpation? A treaty of cession was signed and sent to Washington, where it lay for four solid months untouched, and when the danger was over it was returned without pretence of any right to retain what had been freely given without solicitation. The French have gone on until they now own a hundred islands. Daniel Webster said that if the French took the islands they would take them back and restore their independence if it took the whole power of the United States to do it. That was their position, and it had been consistently maintained ever since. Again, it had not been foreigners who proposed all this. Kamehameha III himself proposed to cede the islands, and just before he was going to do so he was taken sick and died. The treaty lies in the foreign office ready for his signature, and may be seen by anybody. it was unnecessary to come down to the events of the last twenty years. They were within the knowledge of everybody. The United States had, out of its bounty, given us a treaty for which it received almost no monetary return, which had put millions into the pockets of this country. The advantages of this treaty were now gone, and additional ones must be sought. Not only was it a fact that the United States had stood between Hawaii and France, between Hawaii and England, had held our independence in their hands, had given us a treaty, but during the reign of the present sovereign a ship of war had been asked by Her Majesty's Government if it would assist in preserving order against internal enemies. Apart from these financial and material interests, common decency and common gratitude should prevent these slurs and insinuations on the United States. It was an insult to the opposition which was not less loyal than the cabinet, and the ideas were advanced simply to keep the cabinet in power. In conclusion, the speaker said it made no difference on what ground members united against the cabinet if they agreed in having no confidence in it. Rep. Bipikane said it had always been his practice to scrutinize every cabinet. He had watched this one. He saw no advantage to be gained by delay. If there was a majority in favor of the cabinet, the resolution would not pass; if there were not, it would, and that was the sum of the matter. The resolution brought in before was carried, so far as numbers go. He voted for the cabinet then to give them a chance to do something. They had done nothing at all. If the cabinet had not power enough to remove the marshal, they had better remove themselves. There was no use in delay. The question did not need any discussing. He had been watching cabinets for thirty years, and never seen anything like this before. Why did not the attorney-general put out the men whom the people wanted put out? This was the fourth resolution of want of confidence which had come in. That ought not to be so. A few small branches had been lopped off, but the stump--the marshal--was still there. They voted a want of confidence, and the marshal was there still. If they voted another, he would still be there; and if that was the way 368 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. things were going to go, the house might as well pack up and go home, and let the cabinet own the country and make the laws. Let the cabinet stick to their marshal and run the Government without any aid or vote of money from the Legislature. All he wanted was to have the right done. It was the general wish of the country to have the marshal removed. The cabinet should have whispered in the ear of marshal: "If you have any regard for us please resign, or we will not be able to keep our seats." He would like to know whether, if we would promise to support them, they would make an oath that no more opium should be smuggled? Who was benefited when opium was smuggled in? All of them--they were all benefited. He did not make these remarks to assist the passage of the resolution--that was a foregone conclusion--but on the scriptural principle: "He that hath ears to hear, let him hear." The cabinet had ears, and they had heard his opinion of the, but they had not done anything. He moved the previous question. Withdrawn. Noble Pua said this was the second resolution against this cabinet. Such resolutions had been common since 1887. The first reason announced was that the cabinet had no financial policy. Yet they had the confidence of moneyed men. If the introducer of the resolution and the member for the Third ward had been ministers they would not have been able to borrow one cent. He was sorry to see the disposition among native members to favor this resolution. It was very foolish to go on removing cabinet after cabinet. When Mr. Givson was minister everything was prosperous; yet there was a clique which was not satisfied, and their dissatisfaction culminated in a revolution. Everything was prosperous in 1887, and then the reform party took the Government and ran it into the ground. Now, after they had ruined the country and themselves, they came begging for help, and yet when measures were proposed like the lottery bill to make the country prosperous they opposed them. The Government has been run on a moral and holy plan long enough. Let us try some of the schemes got up by the devil and see how they work. Morality has failed; let us try the devil and his plan for awhile. Let us have a change. The good plan is played out. The lottery bill will give us $12,000,000, and the missionaries will put them in their pockets fast enough and ask no questions. The lottery bill will give us our gold, and Horner's bill our paper. All this talk about the works of the devil will then wear out, and people will consider it very good money after all. The resolution said that the cabinet were opposed to American interests, and not on good terms with the American minister. He would like to ask the ministers about that. Minister Parker said he would say something on that score after the member was through. He had all the documents there. Noble Pua, proceeding, said the idea was to get rid of the cabinet and have a better one. Did the member from Kona expect to get four angels from heaven? Rep. Waipuilani said his business was to record his vote in this case against the cabinet. If Her Majesty wished to import four angels from heaven that was her affair. Noble Pua, said the member, was like a boy who went fishing without any bait. Proceeding, the speaker said he himself would make a good deal better minister than many who might be named. He favored indefinite postponement of the resolution. Minister Parker said he had not intended to say anything in defense of the cabinet, but he would make a few remarks on the allegations regarding the relation of the cabinet to the American minister. There might be some truth in the statement in regard to the relation of the premier to the minister, but the resolution on the whole gave a wrong impression. The documents in his hand would show what the situation was. The policy of the Government was the same as that of the honorable noble from Maui would be if he were a minister. The documents it would hardly be proper to make public, but, if necessary, the clerk of the house might read them. The honorable noble had made statements of facts which he might have learned from the Advertiser, perhaps, or through spies. It was true that insulting articles had been published in the Bulletin, but the cabinet was not in any way responsible for them. (Rep. Ashford: "Will you allow a question?") After I get through. I know the question. It is true I own a little of the stock. That does not make the Cabinet responsible because I own a little of the stock. Rep. Kamanoha asked if there had been any feeling of irritation between the American minister and the cabinet, and, if so, whether that feeling had been done away with? Minister Parker could not speak for the relations of the minister of finance with the American minister, but his own relations were cordial. As to the consideration of the resolution, he, personally, was ready to have it proceeded with at once. Rep. Kaunamano said it is alleged that the present head of the cabinet was insolent to the minister of the United States. He had brought in a resolution against the minister of the United States, but that resolution was laid on the table and no action was taken on it. If that is all that is alleged in the present resolution, it is 369 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. not right to bring that up now. It is all over. But if it is anything which has transpired since, that is different. Therefore, if all the foundation of this resolution is the one that Minister Macfarlane brought in then, then the house should not entertain this resolution, but should lay it on the table. I have heard it said that the American minister took umbrage that the Hawaiian people should wish a ship of war sent out for the relief of a wrecked vessel. If that is the only reason that this resolution is brought in, then it should not be entertained for a minute. Therefore I say that if this resolution is passed on the resolution brought in by Minister Macfarlane when he was noble, then it should be dismissed. But it is put into the resolution because the opposition was to create ill-feeling here, that they wish to force the United States to take this country. We know that every difficulty of this country for the last fifty years has not been caused by Hawaiians. Fifty years ago it was a few Englishmen who caused the trouble, then the French people, now it is the white people, not the natives. So this clause is put in this resolution to keep prodding the United States till they come down here and take this country. This resolution says the cabinet has not given any notice of a policy. The minister of finance has announced that the policy of the Government was to reduce the expenses of the Government. This was halted with delight by the house. They may not have announced a policy in regard to the banking bill, but they have in regard to economy, and that is very important. The cabinet enjoys the confidence of the business men of this community. They can go out and get money to pay salaries at the end of the month. The house should take this into consideration. I move that the house take a recess until 7 o'clock. Lost. Rep. White moved to take a recess till 7:30. Rep. Ashford did not believe in a recess. Every member had made up his mind how to vote, and it was unnecessary to take a recess. Rep. White said he wished to have an opportunity to convince the members from the third that he is wrong in supporting this resolution. I move the house take a recess till 7:30. Rep. R. W. Wilcox. I move the previous question. Minister Macfarlane. I claim it is an unfair advantage to take of the ministry to spring a motion of the previous question on us. Rep. Smith. I would request the motion be withdrawn. Noble Baldwin. We should give the ministers a chance to speak on this question. Rep. R. W. Wilcox. I am willing that the ministers should have a chance to speak. Minister Neumann. I express my thanks to the member from Waialua, and I believe the member from the third wishes to close this discussion, because he thinks I wish to speak about him. Rep. White said this resolution alleges three grounds for being introduced. Any man who is going to announce a policy waits for a favorable occasion to announce a policy. I have been informed that this cabinet has the intention of giving this house a policy in a very few days. It is not right in us to try to put them out before they have a chance to do anything. As to the second clause of this resolution, that the head of the cabinet was hostile to the American Government, who is the head of the cabinet? There is no head of the cabinet. The constitution provides no head to any cabinet, and therefore this clause falls to the ground. As for the removal of the marshal, this house has given no reason for removing him. If this house is to remove men as they want to, we had better dispense with the judiciary department and all other departments of the Government. The marshal is doing his duty. He is doing all he can to enforce the law. There are opium cases in the courts all the time. What more can he do? He stopped the lst uprising in this country by his forethought and sagacity. The marshal is not perfect; very few men are. But he has done excellently in his position. If every man was perfect there would be no world. This would be heaven, not earth. Those who are advocating a change in the cabinet are only those who wish to further their own ends. Rep. Bush rose to a point of order. He said Rep. White had the floor more than the time allowed. President Walker. This is a part of the free fight, and there has been no restriction on time. I shall have to rule that the gentleman will have to take his seat. Rep. Bush said there was only one speech that day that was over the half-hour limit. We have given the ministry all the chance to speak that they could possibly want, and they have not taken advantage of it. Rep. Kamauoha moved that the member from Lahaina be allowed to speak. Lost. Noble Marsden said that the member had a little habit of speaking all day. He was perfectly willing to give him another half hour, but to give him unlimited time, never. He therefore moved that he have another half hour. Carried. Rep. White. I move that we take a recess till 7:30. Amended to 7 o'clock; amended to 10 o'clock on Tuesday. F R 94---APP II------24 370 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Minister Macfarlane. The cabinet is prepared to go on to-night, and moved to take a recess till 7 o'clock. Rep. Ashford wanted to go ahead now. Carried till 7 o'clock. EVENING SESSION. The house reassembled at 7:03 p. m. Rep. White. The second clause relating to the American minister should be stricken out. As for the marshal, he had proved himself in many respects a very efficient officer. As for opium, some was brought in only a few days ago, in the vessel S. N. Castle in containers marked C. & C. Just as much was smuggled during the Thurston administration. The resolution might pass, but the reasons assigned for it had very little weight. Some of the members had very little patience. The work of the session was by no means complete. This resolution should be postponed until after the passage of the appropriation bill. A popular vote would keep the cabinet in their seats by a large majority. One of the things which won the hearts of the natives for the cabinet was their saying they did not favor annexation. Rep. R. W. Wilcox said he did not want to shut off the member from Lahaina, but he had already used up his extension. The house wanted to hear the ministers. He had withdrawn his motion of the previous question in order to allow the minister of finance to speak, but the latter did not seem disposed to speak. Minister Macfarlane said he had been waiting patiently to hear why the cabinet should be voted out, but no foreign member had spoken except Noble Thurston. That was his reason for his delay. He wished to hear from the foreign members why this cabinet did not enjoy their confidence. Two weeks ago the ministry had been sustained. Since then a general election had been held and the ministry overwhelmingly indorsed, no other issue being raised. He had little to say, but would refer to some of the statements made by members. The ministry was not being voted out because the allegations of the resolution were true. They were known by the introducer to be unqualifiedly false. The cabinet was voted out for the same reason as two weeks ago, because they would not have them under any consideration. One of the charges in the resolution complained of a lack of financial policy. It was well known that for the past two weeks the ministry had been incessantly busy working on the appropriation bill in order to be able to formulate and lay before the house a policy, hoping to keep the expenses within the revenue, but at every step they had been thwarted by the men whose sole idea was to rule the country or to ruin it. Only three days since he had informed the house that he would ask the house to refer section 1 of the appropriation bill to the printing committee, so that he could present it to the house with retrenchments from one end of it to the other, and he would have been able to present it in such a shape that it would have been perfectly acceptable to the house and country. It was also well known that Her Majesty had instructed him to commence with her privy purse. To-day was the day set for him to begin. But instead he meets a cut and dried resolution calling on the cabinet to go out of office. They wanted no policy, no retrenchment--nothing but the dismissal of the cabinet. Such a policy was damnable, and it would be so viewed that he believed that not one of these men would be returned to this house. It had been stated by some of the members that the cabinet had sat here doing nothing. No intelligent man could make such a charge. Not one minute had been wasted; $167,000 had been cut out of the appropriation bill, and he had on his desk six or seven bills, all revenue measures. Under such circumstances it was not just nor true to say that no financial policy was forthcoming. Those measures would have added largely to the revenue. His successor would perhaps do better; but when they said the cabinet had no policy they said what was not true. They wanted no policy from this cabinet. They wanted nothing but their scalps. If he had been idle, he had been idle to the further extent of putting the assessor's office in order and simplifying it. As to the charge that the cabinet was inimical to the United States, that was an unqualified falsehood, trumped up to rouse feeling. When had he ever placed himself before the community in such a light that such a charge could be made. It was not true. The noble for Maui had referred to his alleged animosity and had mentioned the resolution introduced three months ago. It had seemed to him at that time that the words of his excellency the American minister contained an improper reference in the affairs of this country. The American minister had disclaimed, and he believed the disclaimer to be true. That had not changed his feeling. He was an American citizen not from the accident of birth, but because he preferred to be a citizen of American rather than of any other country in God's world. If those objectives were urged against the cabinet because he was a member of it, why had the noble from Maui urged him to accept a position in the cabinet two months ago? These charges were spacious, groundless, untrue, and dastardly; and those who made them knew 371 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. that he was proud to be an American citizen, and three members of this cabinet were American citizens to-day. Rep. Smith asked if the minister was not a Hawaiian subject. Minister Macfarlane said he was one of the last to take the oath of allegiance, and then only on the advice of Minister Merrill that he would not lose his American citizenship. He was a better American than the member from Lihue was a Hawaiian, or he would not be advocating annexation. He believed in annexation and the Advertiser was in favor of annexation, and nothing but annexation would satisfy them. Two weeks ago these gentlemen were fighting for the constitutional principle involved. That is lost sight of now and new charges are trumped up to defeat what we have been trying to do in the interests of the country. The gentlemen had charged that they were opposed to American interests, and that these struggling industries were throttled in their infancy because the cabinet was hostile to the United States. That was the veriest bosh and nonsense, and this cabinet would be as able to negotiate a treaty as anyone, and the correspondence would prove that, and he wished the house might see it. Such statements were simply dust-throwing to make it appear that only these gentlemen of the opposition could bring about a treaty with the United States. It had also been stated by the noble from Maui that the utterances of the Bulletin were chargeable to the cabinet. Those statements were utterly untrue, and the cabinet had no control over that paper whatever. He would read, with the permission of the house, the correspondence with the minister, which would show that the course of the cabinet had been fully straightforward and manly, and not as had been represented by the noble from Maui. The correspondence was somewhat extended, but would show the facts. it would be proper to have the correspondence read if the house so requested, and he would ask the house to request that the correspondence be read. Noble Williams moved it be read. Noble Thurston said if the minister wished to have the correspondence read he must do so on his own responsibility, and not endeavor to shift the responsibility to the house. Rep. Ashford endorsed the remarks of the last speaker. The minister might read it on his own responsibility if he wanted to, but he hope he would not want to. Not that he feared to have anything read, but to judge from the remarks of the premier it must be twaddle. Rep. Waipuilani thought the minister had no right to read the correspondence. In any case the house should be cleared. Rep. Kaunamano wished it read. Minister Macfarlane said it was somewhat irregular, but he would read it with the concurrence of the house and not without. It would show the statements of the members of the other side to be false. It would show that the cabinet were in no way responsible for the bulletin. The president stated that the minister was asking too much of the house. He might read it if he chose. Minister Macfarlane contended that he might read it if the house asked for it. Rep. ASHFORD. We shan't ask for it. Minister MACFARLANE. Then you won't hear it, and you don't want to, either. Minister Parker asked the minister of finance to give way for a moment. The allegation was made here that the cabinet were on unfriendly terms with the American minister. This correspondence was brought here to disprove that. If the house were not willing to hear the correspondence, then they should strike out the corresponding part of the resolution. Rep. Kapahu said no amount of talking would change any body's mind. Noble Thurston had expatiated on a quarrel supposed to exist between the cabinet and the American minister, but when the correspondence was brought in they were scared and didn't want it read. This correspondence should be examined. A committee should be appointed to examine into the truth about it. There was nothing in any of the charges against the ministry. The opposition were like a man who pulls a banana plant up every twenty-four hours to see whether it is growing. It was only the other day that when the minister wanted to fix the appropriation bill, this house told him to take it and fix it. Now they want to put him out, before he has had a chance to do anything about it. This house has no right to tell the attorney-general to remove the marshal. This rests with the attorney-general alone. We have no right to try public officials for their actions.ÊÊMuch fault has been found with the cabinet because they do not put down gambling. Gambling has gone on under all administrations here. Was it stopped during the terms of office of the noble from Maui? No. Therefore the house should not censure the marshal or the cabinet for these things now. Mr. NEUMANN. The cabinet is not on the defensive, but I will ask if any member of this house wishes to speak, for I want to close. It is our right to close this debate and I will give way to anyone who wishes to speak. On behalf of the cabinet, he 372 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. could say they would be glad to go out, and wish joy to their successors. [Rep. Bush; What, in going out?] No; in coming in. The house was like a theater, in which various motions were brought out; but he had never felt the emotion of pity as he had for the once great, wise, and truthful noble for Maui. He had detailed truthfully and eloquently how much the United States had done for us; but his love for the United States was like Horace Walpole's gratitude--a lively anticipation of future favors. The bounty, however, would not come. He had gloried in the strength of the member for Maui, and had looked on him as one of the best and most patriotic young men in the country until to-day. We will now look at this resolution, and see what sort of language it is written in, (The minister then read the second clause of the resolution.) I congratulate his excellency the minister of finance that he was important enough to have made so much trouble. If you had read as much fiction as I have, you would say that Dumas, who wrote the Count of Monte Christo, should hide his head in shame. He is "not in it" with Mr. Thurston. Who the brilliant author is I do not know. I suspected at first that it came from the facile pen of the member of the Third ward. But it is miles above his imagination. If the Legislature should vote this cabinet out on the ground, it would be laughed at in Washington. I hope you will not be laughed at. I am a Hawaiian by residence, denizenship, and citizenship, and I do not wish harm or ridicule to come to the Hawaiian people; and this second clause is dragged in as a reason to put this cabinet out. I am not here in defense of the cabinet. It has been said that the cabinet has no policy. Anyone who is not wilfully blind can see that it has a policy. It has the policy of economy, of renewing the credit of this country abroad. Now, he did not desire to retaliate upon the member from Maui, who had robbed him of one of his dearest illusions--his admiration of him, but if Hawaiian bonds were ever worth 113 it was none of his doing. The $900,000 in the Postal Savings Bank was gone, unaccounted for. During his incumbency the treaty which Mr. Carter had brought to perfection was rejected. So much for American enmity. By the grace of his late Majesty the speaker was made a denizen. He was practically a Hawaiian, but first an American, and would remain one. Now, however, he proposed to make the interests of this country his first care. The want-of-confidence motion was cut and dried or it would not have been brought. He did not question the motives of the members who voted for the cabinet two weeks ago. Some of them had a slight lapse of honesty four years ago, when a reform house voted them out of it. He wished them now a good digestion of the acquisition. Perhaps the conduct of these members now had motives similar to those which actuated them in 1888. He understood that a good deal of the persuasion had come from a member who gives luaus, and who has offered a member of this house a valuable piece of land. He held himself responsible for what he said and he would not be afraid to meet him when he came to him if he was in hearing. One of these men was a member of a benevolent society and had not turned in the funds which he had collected. He did not propose to leave the subject without tearing off the mask, and if the reform party got its support from such foul and impure sources, he could only congratulate them. It had been strikingly said by his friend the noble from Maui that he would form a coalition with the devil, and he had come as near to it as he could when he found these two coadjutors. These men when they went back to their constituents would wear a blush which would shame the woods on fire. This cabinet was not necessary to the prosperity of the country. He could pick out quite as good a one from this house, but let the house be honest, strike out the preamble and do not pretend that you have any honest reason for the vote. The member from Maui had charged the cabinet with raising the sham cry of annexation. Not a word had been said by the cabinet on annexation except in reply to what the opposition had advanced, and when a fellow ran at the head of a crowd and shouted stop thief, he was usually the man who should be locked up. It had been well said that no remarks from anyone would change the views of anyone. No amount of talk could move those men who had such cogent reasons for changing their minds. In regard to the marshal, he wished to thank the members for all their courtesies, but he would say that not ten houses could make him do any unjust act--he would not condemn a man unheard. Mr. Bush's report contained a number of citations from encyclopedias, etc., which even he had not read. He had learned more about opium from that pamphlet than he had ever know before, but nothing about the marshal except a few vague rumors. As to the other opium report, he had been astonished that there had not been at least a little paltry flame after so much smoke and noise. But there was nothing but glimmering ashes. There was nothing in the reports on which a rational man could take action. He would say to the gentlemen who were going to vote for the resolution, that he could not admire their sense of justice. They could not hurt him for he wanted no position which brought nothing but abuse from every quarter. He thanked them for their attention. 373 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Noble Thurston did not propose to go into details. The attorney-general in a late campaign speech had taken occasion to charge him with losing $900,000. The attorney-general knew that he was speaking an untruth, and he knows it to-night. He said the bonds could only be sold for 90. The treasury balance when he took office was about $13,000. Bonds could not be sold at any price. Bonds had to be placed in England at a cost of $100,000. The treasury balance March 31st, 1888, was $109,465; March 31st, 1890, it was $491,152. Hawaiian Government bonds sold at public auction here at 113. The minister wrote to London to buy bonds at par and could not get any for nearly a year. As to the postal savings bank, the minister of finance's report gives every dollar and every cent of expenditure of the funds for that service. During that period $579,000 was received from the bank. (The speaker read a large number of items showing that the money was expended in useful public improvements.) So that when the attorney-general makes such statements he knows, or should know, it was false, and should have the decency to get up and admit it. [Attorney-General; I said it had been wasted.] You said it had disappeared, and left no record and no trace. Attorney-General Neumann asked indulgence of the house to set himself right. He had not charged any stealing. The honorable member claimed that there were bribes. So there were. Iron pipes resting at Wailuku--an electric plant which was almost worthless. (Noble Thurston: And a balance of $491.000 in the treasury.) Perhaps he had erred in his figures. The member might have wasted but $600,000. Rep. Kamauoha said he had not intended to say anything more, but the attorney-general had reflected on the motives of the members. The attorney-general had suddenly developed the idea that going to luaus was wrong. What then did he say to the luaus given at Waikiki when this resolution was up before. What about the little dinners that used to be given at the hotel. Did the attorney-general mean to admit that these were given for the purpose of influencing votes? The reason of the change of the members was that they had been disappointed in the conduct of the cabinet. As for the members going back to their constituents with a blush on their cheeks, there would be no need of that, and their chance of being returned was a good deal better than the attorney-general's. He would move the previous question. Rep. Waipuilani said the insinuations of the attorney-general, that certain members had taken bribes, were an insult to the house. (Some sparring took place between the member and the attorney-general at this point.) The minister of finance had intimated that this resolution had been got up at the luau yesterday. It was proposed last week and given to the interpreter to translate. He hoped every member would vote honestly and moved the ayes and noes be taken. The motion to indefinitely postpone was lost on the following division: Ayes--Nobles Hopkins, Pua, Peterson, Williams, Maile, Hind, Cornwell, and Dreir, Reps. Pua, Koahou, Kaunamano, Kapahu, White, Kanealii, and Edmonds--15. Noes--Nobles Ena, Cummins, Kauhane, J. M. Horner, Hoapili, Marsden, Young, Baldwin, W. Y. Horner, Walbridge, Anderson, Thurston, G. N. Wilcox, and Kanoa; Reps. Wilder, Bipikane, Ashford, Aki, Kauhi, R. W. Wilcox, Bush, Nawahi, A. Horner, Kamauoha, Waipuilani, Nahinu, Kaluna, Iosepa, Akina, Smith, and A. S. Wilcox--31. Absent--Noble Berger. Rep. Nahinu explained his vote. He voted no on account of the registration bill and the O. R. & L. Co. bill. The motion to adopt the resolution was carried on the same division. A motion to reconsider was made and lost. The house adjourned at 10:18 p. m. ____________ Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens. No. 59.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, October 26, 1892. SIR: I have received your dispatch No. 70, of the 18th instant, in relation to the political situation in Hawaii. It has been read with much interest and attention. I am, etc., WILLIAM F. WHARTON, Acting Secretary. 374 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster. [Confidential.] No. 72.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, October 31, 1892. SIR: In dispatch 71, of October 19, I gave account of the rejection of the new cabinet appointed by the Queen in defiance of a previously expressed majority of the Legislature. The deadlock continues. Though two weeks have elapsed since the decisive action of the Legislature, no ministers have been designated to fill the vacancies. The Tahitian favorite and the Queen still refuse to take the legislative majority and the leading business men of the islands into their confidence. The palace is still thronged and surrounded by the worst elements, and the responsible citizens feel that they are not welcomed as advisors. The Queen and the Tahitian have made several new ministerial slates, with one responsible man and three of the other kind; but no responsible man, so far, can be found who will go into the cabinet with the three whom only a minority of the Legislature will accept. Thus there is here, on a small scale, the old historic issue between autocracy and parliamentary responsibility. The foreign adventurers and renegades stand by the Tahitian favorite because he is the instrument which they can use, and he adheres to them because he needs their support. In the meantime the Legislature is unable to do business and has been in session only a few hours for several weeks. If that body holds firm, the Queen will have to yield, and a responsible ministry would probably be the result. The ultra-English influence is strongly with the half-English Tahitian favorite and the Queen, for the one reason only, that the success of the legislative majority would be the appointment of a cabinet strongly American in sympathy and purpose. There are strong reasons for the belief that were it not for the presence of the American naval force in the harbor the Tahitian marshal and his gang would induce the Queen to attempt a coup d'etat by proclaiming a new constitution, taking from the legislature the power to reject ministerial appointments. The recent arrival here from England of T. H. Davies, the head of a strong English house in Honolulu, formerly a resident here for many years, has served to intensify the ultra-English feeling and to strengthen the American sentiment. This T. H. Davies having made himself rich under the sugar provisions of the reciprocity treaty, now resides in England and has a kind of supervisory care of the half-white Hawaiian crown princess, for several years and still at school in England. When a resident here at the time the Pearl Harbor provision was pending, Davies strongly opposed that provision. He comes now with revived zeal against the Pearl Harbor concession. It is not thought that he has any encouragement to this course from the home Government of England, but that his course is his own, and that his zeal is increased by the Canadian Pacific Railroad managers, of whom Davies is the agent. The desperate efforts of that road to save itself embrace the scheme of a cable, and Pacific steamer lines to Australia and China, including the design of antagonizing the interests of the United States in these islands. This involves the plan of controlling the Hawaiian monarchy through the present Queen and her favorite, and especially by having in hand the crown princess, the general belief being that the present Queen will not live many years. Davies, who has this supervising care. 375 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. of the crown princess in England, is a Tory. Of course these facts, so apparent to intelligent observers here, are telling on all friends of the United States. The other of the two principal English commercial houses here, older and nearly as wealthy as those of Davies & Co., is thoroughly Americanized and stands firmly against the efforts of T. H. Davies, and is for the United States on every issue. This house owns several hundreds of thousands (of dollars worth?) of property in Iowa and California, its head being father-in-law of Gen. Dimond, the head of the United States mint in San Francisco. Perhaps it is well to state that it is the rumor here that the last rejected cabinet, only holding their places until others are appointed, have sent a dispatch to Washington asking the recall of Consul-General Severance. I do not credit this rumor. But influential parties have called at this legation who say that if any such step has been taken by this rejected cabinet, the American merchants and businessmen, as well as other leading citizens will send a strong memorial to the Department of State against any such action of a dead ministry. I have not encouraged any such action in our behalf, believing it to be unnecessary. So far I am supported here by all the responsible Americans and others to a degree more than I had the right to expect. This so much the more impresses on me the necessity of prudence as well as of firmness. To keep the Department of State well informed as to affairs here, I deem it well to give these particulars. I am, sir, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. ________ [Later.] NOVEMBER 1, 1892. Names of the new cabinet sent to the Legislature this morning. Resolutions of "want of confidence" passed in one house, and thirty minutes after the names of the new ministry were read, and only 13 votes out of 48 members of whom the Legislature is composed were in their favor. The strongest objections are to the minister of foreign affairs and to the minister of finance--Joseph Mamohi and William H. Cornwell--both of them unqualified and very unacceptable to the more responsible men of all nationalities. As they will assume to hold their places until their successors shall have been appointed, they may attempt to do some strange things. As Cornwell, for some reason, is hostile to the American minister and to the consul-general, would not be surprised should he induce his associates to ask for our recall. Possibly they may hold their places one week, as the Legislature has adjourned for six days to allow the Queen time to select their successors. JOHN L. STEVENS. ___________ Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens. No. 61.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, November 5, 1892. SIR: I have received and read with attention your dispatch No. 71, of the 19th ultimo, in relation to the Hawaiian political situation. I am, etc., JOHN W. FOSTER. 376 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens. [Confidential.] No. 62.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, November 8, 1892. SIR: Adverting to your current dispatches in relation to the course of political events in the Hawaiian Islands, many of which are marked by you "Confidential" and for obvious reasons, I desire to suggest that you endeavor to separate your reports into two classes, one of which shall aim to give the narrative of public affairs in their open historical aspect, and the other to be of a strictly reserved and confidential character, reporting and commenting upon matters of personal intrigue and the like so far as you may deem necessary for my full understanding of the situation. Many of your dispatches combine these two modes of treatment to such a degree as to make their publication, in the event of a call from Congress or other occasion therefor inexpedient and, indeed, impracticable, without extended omissions. I am, etc., JOHN W. FOSTER. __________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster. No. 73.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, November 8, 1892. SIR: The prolonged struggle between the Queen and the Legislature has terminated to-day by the triumph of the latter. A new ministry has just been appointed, of quite different material from that of its several predecessors. Mark P. Robinson, Foreign Affairs; Peter C. Jones, Finance; G. N. Wilcox, Interior; Cecil Brown, Attorney-General. These are of the responsible men of the islands, none of them needing the salaries, all being of comparative wealth, their aggregate property being estimated at nearly one million of dollars. Mr. Jones is a native of Boston, Massachusetts, in active business here for a quarter of a century, though he has lived the past year in his native city, having recently returned to Honolulu. Wilcox, the wealthiest man of the four, was born on one of the islands, of American missionary parentage. Robinson is the most respected man of the islands, of mixed blood, three quarters white, born here. The first three are strong in American feeling and purpose. Brown, the attorney-general, was born here, of English parentage, and is said to be more American than English as to the future of Hawaii. It is possible the Tahitian favorite may be continued as marshal for the present, but his dictatorship is practically overthrown. The success of the Legislative majority and the appointment of this cabinet are regarded as the triumph of the better citizens of Hawaii over the worse, and especially a proof of American ascendancy over ultra English and other anti-American elements and sentiments. This new cabinet is justly considered the most positively American there has been here since the Reform ministry went out two and a half years ago. I am happy to say that my official and personal relations with this ministry are likely to be most friendly and cordial. I am, sir, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. 377 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster. [Confidential.] No. 74.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, November 20, 1892. SIR: Fidelity to the trust imposed on me by the President, the Department of State, and the Senate, requires that I should make a careful and full statement of the financial, agricultural, social, and political condition of these islands. An intelligent and impartial examination of the facts can hardly fail to lead to the conclusion that the relations and policy of the United States toward Hawaii will soon demand some change, if not the adoption of decisive measures, with the aim to secure American interests and future supremacy by encouraging Hawaiian development and aiding to promote responsible government in these islands. It is unnecessary for me to allude to the deep interest and the settled policy of the United States Government in respect of these islands, from the official days of John Quincy Adams and of Daniel Webster to the present time. In all that period, we have avowed the superiority of our interests to those of all other nations, and have always refused to embarrass our freedom of action by any alliance or arrangement with other powers as to the ultimate possession and government of the islands. Before stating the present political condition of the little kingdom, it is well to review the substantial data as to its area, its resources, its financial and business condition, its capabilities of material development, its population, the status of its landed property, its government, revenues, and expenditures, etc. PHYSICAL DIMENSIONS. The total area of the kingdom is about 6, 000 square miles. Not including several small islands of little importance, the chief value of the land area is in the six islands of Oahu, Kauai, Maui, Molokai, Lanai, and Hawaii, the last named being nearly the size of all the rest of the group. The plains, valleys, and lowlands are fertile, while the highlands are adapted to the raising of extensive herds of cattle, horses, and sheep. The arable lands are adapted to the production of sugar, coffee, rice, bananas, oranges, lemons, pineapples, grapes and maize. Of the arable lands only such as are fitted for the production of sugar and rice have been much brought into use. The coffee raised is of superior quality, and finds ready market for home consumption and in San Francisco. There is no doubt that this product can be greatly extended. This opinion is sustained by the examination of experts and has been verified by successful results in coffee-raising, to which there is now being given special attention. The banana culture can be greatly extended, and the opportunities for the production of oranges are large and promising. Ripening at a time in the year different from those of southern California, the Hawaiian oranges can find a ready market in San Francisco, and especially in the cities of Oregon and Washington, where these islands procure most of their lumber for buildings and fences, and from which they procure coal, the consumption of which will necessarily increase for use in the sugar mills and the supply of steamers. For a quarter of a century the profits of sugar-raising have tended to divert capital and enterprise almost exclusively to the can culture, to the neglect of the other industries and interests of the islands. Good government 378 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. and the building of necessary roads and bridges, the Government assumption of the "crown lands," and the conversion of them into small homesteads for raising the crops already specified, would speedily stimulate general prosperity and increase the American and European families and freeholders, and aid to constitute a large number of responsible voters, thus giving stability to legislation and government. There are nearly 900,000 acres of "crown lands," and these, in the main, are among the most valuable of the islands. The rent paid for them goes to the sovereign, and the amount of the income received is no doubt much less than it would be if these lands were owned and managed by private individuals. There have long been more or less abuses in the leasing of these lands, and it is well understood that the leases have been prolific sources of political favoritism and corruption. Well handled and sold at fitting opportunities, the proceeds of the crown lands would pay the national debt, provide adequate pensions for the two or three royalties, in case monarchy should be abolished, and yet leave a balance of considerable amount for a permanent school fund. COMMERCIAL AND NAVAL IMPORTANCE OF THE ISLANDS. The value of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States for commercial and naval purposes has been well understood by American statesmen for more than half a century. The examination of the Hawaiian harbors and a careful consideration of their capabilities of defense, twenty years since, by Gen. Schofield and naval officers, whose opinions are on record in the Washington departments, plainly indicate how important these islands and harbors are to the future American commerce of the Pacific. Even to a nonexpert the great value and the easy defensibility of the harbors of Pearl City and of Honolulu are unmistakably obvious. Only six miles from each other, with narrow entrances backed by a continuous wall of mountains, each terminus of this natural barrier reaching to the sea, at relatively small expense these harbors can be impregnably fortified against all attack by sea and land. The harbor of Honolulu can now be entered by ships drawing 30 feet of water. But Pearl Harbor is larger and much preferable for naval purposes. It is only necessary to deepen the entrance by removing the bar of coral formation. This coral obstruction can be removed with comparative ease, and the expense would not be large. Opinions of practical men here, who have had to do with these coral formations, as well as my personal observation, as to how easily it can be broken up by pick and crow-bar, go to show how readily it can be removed by modern explosives and the improved mechanical agencies. With a large island between it and the sea, a capacious, safe, and beautiful harbor is secured for American commercial and military marine just where the future greatness and the necessities of the United States imperatively require. Only those who have carefully examined the vast resources of the American Pacific States, and considered that nearly two-fifths of the immense area of the United States, through the transcontinental railways and by rivers and sounds, outlet on the Pacific, and have studied the data surely pointing to the vast future commerce of this western world, can adequately appreciate the importance of these harbors to the American nation, and the necessity of securing them against foreign rivals. If we neglect them the present occupants must suffer, and their necessities will force them in directions unfriendly to American interests. Circumstances are pressing, and no time should 379 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. be lost in looking at the facts as they really exist. The strong inclination of several European powers to gain possession of all the islands in the Pacific, except such as are expressly protected by the United States, is plainly shown by what has taken place in recent years. The seizure of Gilbert, Johnson, and other islands, in the past few months, and what recently transpired in regard to Samoa, emphatically show that England certainly has not moderated her policy in the indicated regard, to which course the Canadian Government is undoubtedly the inspiring cause. The enormous cost of the Canadian Pacific Railway impels its managers to make the most desperate efforts to secure freight and passengers, and hence its aggressive plans to secure Pacific commerce and to gain political and commercial influence in these islands. The scheme of a British cable from Vancouver via Honolulu to Australia, as well as to Japan and China, and of establishing commercial and mail lines of steamers on the same route, is not an idle dream. Powerful agencies are already working to these ends, and to effectively safeguard American interests on the Pacific and in these islands there is no time for hesitation and delay. If the United States Government does not very promptly provide for laying a cable from San Francisco or San Diego to Honolulu or Hilo, it may be regarded as certain that a cable will be laid by British capital and be controlled by British managers. Pearl Harbor for a coaling station and an American cable between California and Hawaii are of immediate vital importance to American commercial and naval interests and to the maintenance of American influence on these islands. THE GOVERNMENT OF THE ISLANDS. A question of vital importance to Hawaii and of American interest in and care for its future is that of its government. There has been in the last twenty years a great change in the political status of things here. Formerly the facts and circumstances appertaining to government on these islands were essentially different from what they are to-day. Then the population was chiefly native Hawaiian. The natives had long lived under a kind of feudal system, with rigid laws and customs, which gave to the numerous chiefs and the King absolute despotic power. The wisdom and the religious zeal of the Christian missionaries enabled them to acquire and exercise a strong influence for good over the chiefs and King as well. Thus a system of government and laws was established which was a great improvement on the former condition of things. The general good character of the men who effectively aided the Hawaiian monarch to carry on the Government for years secured fairly successful administration of law and the maintenance of public order at limited cost, the public revenues being small. But the numerous Hawaiian chiefs are in their graves. Their families are extinct. The original native Hawaiians are now so decreased as to number less than two-fifths of the population of the islands. The coming to the throne of the late King Kalakaua in 1873 was by legislative election, and but for the presence in the harbor and on shore of American marines and sailors, of the United States vessels of war, he would have failed to secure his Crown against a determined mob in the interest of another aspirant. The great prosperity of the islands under the reciprocity treaty, stimulating the production of sugar, leading to a large American, European, and Asiatic immigration, caused a great increase of the Government revenues. This prosperous state of things also soon resulted in a large increase of the Government expenditures, 380 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. in the addition of new offices, a large augmentation of salaries, thus stimulating the desire for official places and patronage, exciting the greed of adventurous and too often unworthy political partisans. Easy going, unused to and incapable of safe and economical administration, the King, Kalakaua, too often, in his seventeen years of reign, fell into the hands of unscrupulous associates and advisers. The Government expenditures soon reached figures much above what the area and population of the little Kingdom justified. But so long as the great profits of sugar-raising under the American tariff flowed into the islands, the excessive Government expenses could be paid without the principal taxpayers very sensibly realizing the burden. The adoption of a new constitution in 1887, taking from the King much of his former power and establishing legislative and ministerial responsibility, effected a beneficial change. But the great reduction of the profits of sugar-raising, rendering some of the plantations nearly worthless, and greatly lessening the income and market value of the others, has brought a condition of affairs which compels all the reflecting and responsible citizens to see that the present expenses of the Government are much beyond what the islands can pay and much higher than wise legislation and proper economic administration require. But the difficulty of getting out of the old grooves, of scaling down salaries, and abolishing useless offices is hard to overcome. Nearly one-half of the population of the country have no voice in political affairs, unless exerted through corruption and bribery. The voting population is made up of several nationalities--Hawaiian, Portuguese, American, English, German, and others, the more intelligent and responsible of these generally acting together sufficiently to exercise a beneficial influence on legislation and administration. But the palace patronage and influence are still considerable, costing the country more than it is able to pay and returning to the country no positive advantages. Directly and indirectly, the palace probably costs the little Kingdom $150,000 per year. A governor, at $5,000 a year, acting in harmony with the responsible men of the Legislature, would be far better for the islands than the present monarchical arrangement. In truth, the monarchy here is an absurd anachronism, It has nothing on which it logically or legitimately stands. The feudal basis on which it once stood no longer existing, the monarchy is now only an impediment to good government--an obstruction to the prosperity and progress of the islands. Incapable of comprehending the principles of constitutional government, more likely to take the advice of unworthy counsel than of the more competent, the reigning Sovereign insists in dealing what properly belongs to the Legislature and to the ministers. Thus the palace is constantly open to superficial and irresponsible courtiers and to unprincipled adventurers of different nationalities. Instead of exercising a salutary influence on public affairs it is the center of maladministration and of the most vicious kind of politics. it is now, and it has been for the last twenty years, and is always likely to be, a fruitful source of public demoralization. I may be asked, Why do not the people of the islands at once reform this state of things? There is a considerable number of intelligent, energetic, and excellent citizens, of the different nationalities, in possession of the elective franchise. They are largely Americanized in their opinions and manners. They are sympathetic with American institutions. This is so of the Portuguese, the Germans, more or less of the English, and of the native Hawaiians and half-whites, as well as