381 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. of the most of those of American parentage. But these unaided and alone can not well make the necessary changes in the existing condition of things. As a crown colony of Great Britain, or a Territory of the United States, the government modifications could be made readily, and good administration of the laws secured. Destiny and the vast future interests of the United States in the Pacific clearly indicate who, at no distant day, must be responsible for the government of these islands. Under a territorial government they could be as easily governed as any of the existing Territories of the United States. The men qualified are here to carry on good government, provided they have the support of the Government of the United States. Why not postpone American possession? Would it not be just as well for the United States to take the islands twenty-five years hence? Facts and obvious probabilities will answer both of these interrogatives. Hawaii has reached the parting of the ways. She must now take the road which leads to Asia, or the other, which outlets her in America, gives her an American civilization and binds her to the care of American destiny. The non-action of the American Government here in thirty years will make of Hawaii a Singapore, or a Hongkong, which could be governed as a British colony, but would be unfit to be an American Territory or an American State under our constitutional system. If the American flag gloats here at no distant day, the Asiatic tendencies can be arrested and controlled without retarding the material development of the islands, but surely advancing their prosperity by diversifying and expanding the industries, building roads and bridges, opening the public lands to small farmers from Europe and the United States, thus increasing the responsible voting population, and constituting a solid basis for American methods of government. Two-fifths of the people now here are Chinese and Japanese. If the present state of things is allowed to go on the Asiatics will soon largely preponderate, for the native Hawaiians are growing less at the rate of nearly one thousand per year. At the present prices of sugar, and at the prices likely to hold in the future, sugar-raising on these islands can be continued only by the cheapest possible labor--that of the Japanese, the Chinese, and the Indian coolies. Americanize the islands, assume control of the "Crown lands," dispose of them in small lots for actual settlers and freeholders for the raising of coffee, oranges, lemons, bananas, pineapples, and grapes, and the result soon will be to give permanent preponderance to a population and a civilization which will make the islands like southern California, and at no distant period convert them into gardens and sanitariums, as well as supply stations for American commerce, thus bringing everything here into harmony with American life and prosperity. To postpone American action many years is only to add to present unfavorable tendencies and to make future possession more difficult. It is proper to consider the following facts: The present Sovereign is not expected to live many years. The princess heir apparent has always been, and is likely always to be, under English influence. Her father is British in blood and prejudices, firmly intrenched here as collector of customs, and important and influential office. She has been for some years and still is in England: her patron there, who has a kind of guardianship of her, T. H. Davies, is a Tory Englishman, who lived here many years, who still owns large property in the islands, and is a resolute and persistent opponent of American predominance, bitterly denouncing even the American acquisition of Pearl harbor. Mr. Wodehouse, the English minister, has long resided here; his eldest son is 382 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. married to a half-caste sister of the Crown Princess, another son is in the Honolulu post-office, and a daughter also is married to a resident of one of the islands. The death of the present Queen, therefore, would virtually place an English princess on the Hawaiian throne, and put in the hands of the ultra English the patronage and influence of the palace. In the existing state of things, with non-American intervention, these palace influences, skillfully handled, are nearly equal, frequently superior, to the power of the Legislature. Add to this palace power, in the British hands, the influence of an adventurous, impecunious, and irresponsible mob of "hoodlums," and there results a state of things which would put it in the power of Canadian and ultra-British schemers, with a subsidy fund of $50,000, to secure control of the Legislature, and by prompt and vigorous action secure Canadian and British franchises, privileges, and rights entirely legal, to get rid of which would cause embarrassment and expense to the United States and her allies here. As is well known to the Department of State, Secretary Marcy, with the approval of President Pierce and Cabinet, authorized the negotiation of a treaty for making these islands a Territory of the United States. Commissioner Gregg was authorized to facilitate the negotiation by the promise to pay $100,000 for pensions to the King, chiefs, and other official persons, on condition that the sovereignty and property of the islands should be transferred to the United States. Commissioner Gregg exceeded his instructions by stipulating to pay, in all, three times the sum which Secretary Marcy named in his instructions. These terms were deemed onerous and unacceptable by the Washington Department of State, and consequently the treaty was dropped, after all negotiations had been completed, the King finally being induced by his Scotch minister of foreign affairs not to sign it, though the King and cabinet had previously given their support to the spirit and terms of the negotiations and the conclusions reached. The embarrassments and objections that then existed as to the number of the royal princes and chiefs, the small number of the American population, the want of ready communication with the United States, and distance from Washington, now no longer stand in the way of making Hawaii a well-governed and prosperous United States Territory. The reasons for annexation in 1854 were certainly much less adequate and pressing than they are now. THE EXISTING BUSINESS STATUS. It is well to consider the existing state of things here resulting from the change in the United States sugar tariff. Only personal observation and a careful investigation of the facts can give one an adequate idea of the severe blow sugar raising here has received. The production of sugar being the main business of the islands, the great reduction of the market price has affected powerfully the entire affairs and condition of the islands. I think it understating the truth to express the opinion that the loss to the owners of the sugar plantations and mills, etc., and the consequent depreciation of other property by the passage of the McKinley bill, wise and beneficial as that measure is proving to be for the vast interests of the United States, has not been less than $12,000,000, a large portion of this loss falling on Americans residing here and in California. Unless some positive measures of relief be granted, the depreciation of sugar property here will continue to go on. Wise, bold action by the United States will rescue the property 383 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. holders from great losses, give the islands a government which will put an end to a worse than useless expenditure of a large proportion of the revenues of the country, using them for the building of roads and bridges, thus helping to develop the natural resources of the islands, aiding to diversify the industries and to increase the number of the responsible citizens. WHAT SHOULD BE DONE? One of two courses seems to me absolutely necessary to be followed, either bold and vigorous measures for annexation or a "customs union," an ocean cable from the Californian coast to Honolulu, Pearl Harbor perpetually ceded to the United States, with an implied but not necessarily stipulated American protectorate over the islands. I believe the former to be the better, that which will prove much the more advantageous to the islands, and the cheapest and least embarrassing in the end for the United States. If it was wise for the United States, through Secretary Marcy, thirty-eight years ago, to offer to expend $100,00 to secure annexation, itcertainly can not be chimerical or unwise to expend $100,000 to secure annexation in the near future. To-day the United States has five times the wealth she possessed in 1854, and the reasons now existing for annexation are much stronger than they were then. I cannot refrain from expressing the opinion with emphasis that the golden hour is near at hand. A perpetual customs union and the acquisition of Pearl Harbor, with an implied protectorate, must be regarded as the only allowable alternative. This would require the continual presence in the harbor of Honolulu of a United States vessel of war and the constant watchfulness of the United States minister while the present bungling, unsettled, and expensive political rule would go on, retarding the development of the islands, leaving at the end of twenty-five years more embarrassment to annexation than exists to-day, the property far less valuable, and the population less American than they would be if annexation were soon realized. It may be said that annexation would involve the obligation of paying to the Hawaiian sugar-producers the same rate of bounties now paid to American producers, thus imposing too heavy a demand on the United States Treasury. It is a sufficient answer to this objection to say that it could be specifically provided in the terms of annexation that the United States Government should pay 6 mills per pound--$12 per ton--to the Hawaiian sugar-raisers, and this only so long as the present sugar-bounty system of the United States shall be maintained. Careful inquiry and investigation bring me to the conclusion that this small bounty would tide the Hawaiian sugar-planters over their present alarming condition and save the islands from general business depression and financial disaster. Could justice to American interests in the islands and care for their future welfare do less than this? To give Hawaii a highly favorable treaty while she remains outside the American Union would necessarily give the same advantages to hostile foreigners, those who would continue to antagonize our commercial and political interests here, as well as those of American blood and sympathies. it is a well authenticated fact that the American sentiment here in 1890, the last year of the great prosperity under the sugar provisions of the reciprocity treaty, was much less manifest than before that treaty had gone into effect, and less pronounced than when 384 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Secretary Marcy authorized the negotiation of the annexation treaty in 1854. It is equally true that the desire here at this time for annexation is much stronger than in 1889. Besides, so long as the islands retain their own independent government there remains the possibility that England or the Canadian Dominion might secure one of the Hawaiian harbors for a coaling station. Annexation excludes all dangers of this kind. Which of the two lines of policy and action shall be adopted our statesmen and our Government must decide. Certain it is that the interests of the United States and the welfare of these islands will not permit the continuance of the existing state and tendency of things. Having for so many years extended a helping hand to the islands and encouraged the American residents and their friends at home to the extent we have, we can not refrain now from aiding them with vigorous measures, without injury to ourselves and those of our "kith and kin" and without neglecting American opportunities that never seemed so obvious and pressing as they do now. I have no doubt that the more thoroughly the bed rock and controlling facts touching the Hawaiian problem are understood by our Government and by the American public, the more readily they will be inclined to approve the views I have expressed so inadequately in this communication. I am, sir, your obedient servant, JOHN L. STEVENS. Hon. JOHN W. FOSTER, Secretary of State. NOTE:---On the following pages will be found statistics from the Hawaiian census reports of 1890, touching the population, the different nationalities, the principal property owners, the amount of Government revenues and expenditures, Government property, etc., which will help elucidate the views I have expressed in the preceding pages. J. L. S. ________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster. No. 75.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, November 28, 1892. SIR: Your dispatch No. 62 of November 8 received. Hereafter I will comply as nearly as practicable with your suggestion that I separate my reports into two classes, one of an "open historical aspect" and the other of a "strictly reserved and confidential character." My dispatch 74, marked confidential, was written and copied before your 62 was received. The reason why I have deemed it necessary to consider most of my dispatches confidential is because of the peculiar state of things here. Anything which gets out in Washington in relation to affairs here is sure at once to be taken up by San Francisco papers, some of which are highly sensational. These newspapers are brought here in large numbers by the mail steamer, not followed by another usually before two weeks. Thus a falsehood or misrepresentation stands here unrefuted for two weeks, doing mischief. So far the new cabinet holds well and gives satisfaction to the responsible men of the islands. I am, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. 385 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens. No. 65.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, December 1, 1892. SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of dispatches numbered 47-73 and 53 B. I am, etc., JOHN W. FOSTER. __________ Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens. No. 67.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, December 23, 1892. SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your dispatch No. 74, of the 20th of November, marked "confidential," relative to the financial and political condition of Hawaii, which has been read with interest. I am, etc., JAMES W. FOSTER. ____________ Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens. No. 68.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, December we, 1892. SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your dispatch No. 75, of the 28th ultimo, regarding confidential dispatches. I am, sir, JOHN W. FOSTER. ____________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster. [Telegram.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Honolulu, H. I., January 18, 1893. Events in Hawaii in the past few days have moved rapidly. An entire overthrow of the Hawaiian monarchy and the establishment of a provisional government in the interest of the whole people of the islands, without the sacrifice of a single life. The new Government is in full possession of the islands and was promptly recognized by all the diplomatic representatives. The four men of whom it is composed are of high character, one of whom resigned his position as one of the supreme judges to assume the place. Full dispatches by the mail leaving Honolulu to-day by special steamer. STEVENS, United States Minister. F R 94---APP II-----25 386 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster. No. 79.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, January 18, 1893. SIR: In my 73, of November 8, I gave full information of the surrender of the Queen of the wishes of the Legislature by the formation of a ministry composed of men of intelligence and wealth, possessing the entire confidence of the business men and the more responsible citizens of the country. But this surrender of the Queen and of those surrounding her was only seeming. As soon as the principal appropriations had been voted and the legislative work was nearly concluded, several of the best members having already left for their homes, a remarkable conspiracy was revealed. The undersigned, for the first time since he has been at the head of this legation, January 4 took passage for Hilo and the volcano on the U. S. S. Boston for the benefit of the health of himself and of his daughter, it being also desirable that the town of the second importance in the islands should have this attention at the time the Boston was making a visit to Hawaii, the chief island in the group. Beyond all doubt, immediately after the Boston and myself had left Honolulu the unscrupulous adventurers around the Queen improved the opportunity to push through the Legislature an astounding lottery franchise with the obvious intent to sell it out to the Louisiana lottery men. This was worked by some of the same parties supposed to be of the powerful opium ring whose four points of operation are Vancouver, San Francisco, Honolulu, and Hongkong. They distributed the lottery stock among the native members of the Legislature in large figures. Notwithstanding the strong opposition of all the best people of the islands, including whites and natives, and the emphatic opposition of the chamber of commerce, the Queen and her palace favorite gave their warmest support to the lottery bill and signed it at once. She was to be immediately compensated by being allowed to proclaim a new constitution, restoring to the Crown the old despotic prerogatives in direct violation of the existing constitution, which provides for the only mode of change, which is by the action of successive legislatures. Returning on the Boston from our Hilo trip on the 14th instant, we found the Legislature was to be prorogued at 12 a. m., one-half hour after my arrival at the legation. The prorogation completed, members of the Legislature, diplomatic corps, judges of the supreme court, and other officials went to the palace by invitation. In the meantime it began to be known in public circles the Queen's intention to proclaim the revolutionary constitution. This resulted in raising an excitement which alarmed her confidants and caused some of them to draw back. This consumed time, so that she could not secure the signatures of her new cabinet as she had expected. In the meantime the diplomatic corps grew weary and left the palace, realizing that the invitation to be present was a trick. As I had just returned, weary from my voyage, I had not received the invitation, the chamberlain knowing I was absent when he invited the English, Portuguese, French, and Japanese diplomatic representatives the day before. In the short meanwhile I had suspicioned the trick. Finally, the Queen appeared in the throne room, before the supreme judges and other officials, in an extreme passion of anger, and avowed her purpose to postpone her revolutionary constitution for a brief period, and then went upon the balcony and spoke with great passion in the same strain to those around the palace, principally her 387 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. retainers and the royal guard, her determination to proclaim her constitution at another time. What I have described as to the lottery legislation, the forcing out of the responsible cabinet of November 8 and appointing the lottery cabinet, two of whom had been voted out of the ministry during the legislative session by a two-thirds vote for the best of reasons. It was the lottery bribe and the autocratic design of the Queen that quickly precipitated events. A mass meeting of the citizens was called to meet on Monday, the 16th, at 2 p. m., which assembled in the largest hall in the city. Short as was the notice, over 1,300 of the principal citizens of Honolulu and from other islands, who happened to be in the city, were in attendance. This meeting included merchants, bankers, professional men, the principal business men, and the mechanics, the chief German and some of the leading English merchants and other nationalities, as well as American residents. It is said such an assemblage was never before equaled in Honolulu. Intelligent American visitors here say that such a public meeting would do credit to a meeting of a similar class of citizens in our best American cities. The assemblage was a unit in feeling and purpose. The speeches and resolutions are on the printed slips I herewith inclose. This remarkable uprising of the best citizens, including nearly all of the chief property holders, the Tahitian marshal and palace favorite did not dare attempt to suppress. A committee of public safety was at once created to meet the emergency and to prevent anarchy and riot. it was fortunate that the Boston was in the harbor. The committee on public safety called on me for aid. I promptly addressed to the commander of the Boston, Capt. G. S. Wiltse, the following note: UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, January 16, 1893. SIR: In view of the existing critical circumstances in Honolulu, including an inadequate legal force, I request you to land marines and sailors from the ship under your command for the protection of the United States legation and United States consulate, and to secure the safety of American life and property. Very truly, yours, JOHN L. STEVENS, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States. Capt. G. C. WILTSE, Commander U. S. S. Boston. A copy of the call of the committee of public safety for aid is inclosed. Promptly the men from the Boston were landed. Detachments were placed around the legation and the consulate, the principal members having marched to a central hall for shelter and headquarters; the night being at hand, the public anxiety being especially strong as to what might be done by irresponsible persons in the night, the landing of the men of the Boston so promptly gave immediate relief to the public anxiety. As soon as practicable a Provisional Government was constituted, composed of four highly respectable men, with Judge dole at the head, he having resigned his place on the supreme bench to assume this responsibility. He was born in Honolulu, of American parentage, educated here and in the United States, and is of the highest reputation among all citizens, both natives and whites. P. C. Jones is a native of Boston, Mass., wealthy, possessing property interests in the islands, and a resident here for many years. The other two members are of the highest respectability. The committee of public safety forthwith 388 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. took possession of the Government buildings, archives, and treasury, and installed the Provisional Government at the heads of the respective departments. This being an accomplished fact, I promptly recognized the Provisional Government as the de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands. The English minister, the Portuguese charge d'affaires, the French and the Japanese commissioners promptly did the same; these, with myself, being the only members of the diplomatic corps residing here. All is quiet here now. Without the sacrifice of a single life this change of government has been accomplished. Language can hardly express the enthusiasm and the profound feeling of relief at this peaceful and salutary change of government. The underlying cause of this profound feeling among the citizens is the hope that the United States Government will allow these islands to pass to American control and become American soil. A commission of citizens, duly accredited, will go by the steamer that takes this dispatch to Washington, to state the wishes of the Provisional Government and of the responsible people of the islands, and to give a complete account of the existing state of things here. It is proper that I should add, that the presence of the Boston here has been of the highest importance, and the behavior of officers and men has been admirable. Capt. Wiltse has exercised prudence and great firmness, while he and the undersigned have recognized only accomplished facts and have not allowed the use of the United States force for any but the most conservative reasons. I am, sir, JOHN L. STEVENS. Written copy by future mail. S. _____ [Inclosure 1 in No. 79.] PROCLAMATION. In its earlier history Hawaii possessed a constitutional government honestly and economically administered in the public interest. The Crown called to its assistance as advisers able, honest, and conservative men, whose integrity was unquestioned even by their political opponents. The stability of the Government was assured, armed resistance and revolution unthought of, popular rights were respected, and the privileges of the subject from time to time increased and the prerogatives of the sovereign diminished by the voluntary acts of the successive Kings. With very few exceptions this state of affairs continued until the expiration of the first few years of the reign of His late Majesty Kalakaua. At this time a change was discernible in the spirit animating the Chief Executive and in the influences surrounding the throne. A steadily increasing disposition was manifested on the part of the King to extend the royal prerogative; to favor adventurers and persons of no character or standing in the community; to encroach upon the right and privileges of the people by steadily increasing corruption of electors, and by means of the power and influence of officeholders and other corrupt means to illegitimately influence the elections, resulting in the final absolute control of not only the executive and legislative, but to a certain extent the judicial departments of the Government in the interests of absolutism. This finally resulted in the revulsion of feeling and popular uprising of 1887, which wrested from the King a large portion of his ill-gotten powers. The leaders of this movement were not seeking personal aggrandizement, political power, or the suppression of the native Government. If this had been their object it could easily have been accomplished, for they had the absolute control of the situation. Their object was to secure responsible Government through a representative cabinet, supported by and responsible to the people's elected representatives. A clause 389 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. to this effect was inserted in the constitution, and subsequently enacted by law by the Legislature, specifically covering the ground that in all matters concerning the state the sovereign was to act by and with the advice of the cabinet, and only by and with such advice. The King willingly agreed to such proposition, expressed regret for the past, and volunteered promises for the future. Almost from the date of such agreement and promises up to the time of his death the history of the Government has been a continual struggle between the King on the one hand and the cabinet and Legislature on the other, the former constantly endeavoring by every available form of influence and evasion to ignore his promises and agreements and regain his lost powers. This conflict upon several occasions came to a crisis, followed each time by submission on the part of His Majesty, by renewed expressions of regret and promises to abide by the constitutional and legal restrictions in the future. In each instance such promise was kept until a further opportunity presented itself, when the conflict was renewed in defiance and regardless of all previous pledges. Upon the accession of Her Majesty Liliuokalani, for a brief period the hope prevailed that a new policy would be adopted. This hope was soon blasted by her immediately entering into conflict with the existing cabinet, who held office with the approval of a large majority of the Legislature, resulting in the triumph of the Queen and the removal of the cabinet. The appointment of a new cabinet subservient to her wishes and their continuance in office until a recent date gave no opportunity for further indication of the policy which would be pursued by Her Majesty until the opening of the Legislature in May of 1892. The recent history of that session has shown a stubborn determination on the part of Her Majesty to follow the tactics of her late brother and in all possible ways to secure an extension of the royal prerogatives and an abridgment of popular rights. During the latter part of the session the Legislature was replete with corruption; bribery and other illegitimate influences were openly utilized to secure the desired end, resulting in the final complete overthrow of all opposition and the inauguration of a cabinet arbitrarily selected by her Majesty in complete defiance of constitutional principles and popular representation. Notwithstanding such result the defeated party peacefully submitted to the situation. Not content with her victory Her Majesty proceeded on the last day of the session to arbitrarily arrogate to herself the right to promulgate a new constitution, which proposed, among other things, to disfranchise over one-fourth of the voters and the owners of nine-tenths of the private property of the Kingdom, to abolish the elected upper house of the Legislature and to substitute in place thereof an appointive one, to be appointed by the Sovereign. The detailed history of this attempt and the succeeding events in connection therewith is given in the report of the committee of public safety to the citizens of Honolulu and the resolution adopted at the mass meeting held on the 16th instant, the correctness of which report and the propriety of which resolution is hereby specifically affirmed. The constitutional evolution indicated has slowly and steadily, though reluctantly and regretfully, convinced an overwhelming majority of the conservative and responsible members of the community that independent, constitutional, representative, and responsible government, able to protect itself from revolutionary uprisings and royal aggression, is no longer possible in Hawaii under the existing system of government. Five uprisings or conspiracies against the Government have occurred within five years and seven months. It is firmly believed that the culminating revolutionary attempt of last Saturday will, unless radical measures are taken, wreck our already damaged credit abroad and precipitate to final ruin our already overstrained financial condition; and the guaranties of protection to life, liberty, and property will steadily decrease and the political situation rapidly grow worse. In this belief, and also in the firm belief that the action hereby taken is and will be for the best personal, political, and property interests of every citizen of the land-- We, citizens and residents of the Hawaiian Islands, organized and acting for the public safety and the common good, hereby proclaim as follows: (1) The Hawaiian monarchial system of government is hereby abrogated. (2) A Provisional Government for the control and management of public affairs and the protection of the public peace is hereby established, to exist until terms of union with the United States of American have been negotiated and agreed upon. (3) Such Provisional Government shall consist of an executive council of four members, who are hereby declared to be Sanford B. Dole, James A. King, Peter C. Jones, William O. Smith, who shall administer the executive departments of the Government, the first named acting as president and chairman of such council and 390 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. administering the department of foreign affairs, and the others severally administering the departments of interior, finance, and attorney-general, respectively, in the order in which they are above enumerated, according to existing Hawaiian law as far as may be consistent with this proclamation; and also of an advisory council, which shall consist of fourteen members, who are hereby declared to be S. M. Damon, L. A. Thurston, J. Emmeluth, J. H. McCandlass, F. W. McChesney, W. R. Castle, W. C. Wilder, A. Brown, J. F. Morgan, H. Waterhouse, E. D. Tenney, F. Wilhelm, W. G. Ashley, C. Bolte. Such advisory council shall also have general legislative authority. Such executive and advisory council shall, acting jointly, have power to remove any member of either council and to fill such or any other vacancy. (4) All officers under the existing Government are hereby requested to continue to exercise their functions and perform the duties of their respective offices, with the exception of the following-named person: Queen Liliuokalani; Charles B. Wilson, marshal; Samuel Parker, minister of foreign affairs; W. H. Cornwell, minister of finance; John F. Colburn, minister of the interior; Arthur P. Peterson, attorney-general; who are hereby removed from office. (5) All Hawaiian laws and constitutional principles not inconsistent herewith shall continue in force until further order of the executive and advisory councils. HENRY E. COOPER. ANDREW BROWN. J. A. McCANDLESS. THEODORE F. LANSING. JOHN EMMELUTH. C. BOLTE. ED. SUHR. HENRY WATERHOUSE. W. C. WILDER. F. W. McCHESNEY. WILLIAM O. SMITH. _________ [Inclosure 2 in No. 79.] HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, January 17, 1893. SIR: The undersigned, members of the executive and advisory councils of the Provisional Government this day established in Hawaii, hereby state to you that for the reasons set forth in the proclamation this day issued, a copy of which is herewith inclosed for your consideration, the Hawaiian monarchy has been abrogated and a Provisional Government established in accordance with the said above-mentioned proclamation. Such Provisional Government has been proclaimed, is now in possession of the Government departmental buildings, the archives, and the treasury, and is in control of the city. We hereby request that you will, on behalf of the United States of America, recognize it as the existing de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands, and afford to it the moral support of your Government, and, if necessary, the support of American troops to assist in preserving the public peace. We have the honor to remain your obedient servants, SANFORD B. DOLE. J. A. KING. P. C. JONES. WILLIAM O. SMITH. S. M. DAWSON. JOHN EMMELUTH. F. W. McCHESNEY. W. C. WILDER. J. A. McCANDLESS. ANDREW BROWN. JAS. F. MORGAN. HENRY WATERHOUSE. E. D. TENNEY. F. J. WILHELM. W. G. ASHLEY. C. BOLTE. His Excellency JOHN L. STEVENS, United States Minister Resident. 391 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. [Inclosure 3 in No. 79.] HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, January 17, 1893. PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. [Order No. 1.] All persons favorable to the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands are hereby requested to forthwith report to the Government at the Government buildings and to furnish to the Government such arms and ammunition as they may have in their possession or control as soon as possible, in order that efficient and complete protection of life and property and the public peace may immediately and efficiently be put in operation. SANFORD. B. DOLE, J. A. KING, P. C. JONES, WILLIAM O. SMITH, Executive Council of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands. JOHN EMMELUTH, ANDREW BROWN, C. BOLTE, JAMES F. MORGAN, HENRY WATERHOUSE, S. M. DAMON, W. G. ASHLEY, E. D. TENNEY, F. W. McCHESNEY, W. C. WILDER, Advisory Council of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands. __________ [Inclosure 4 in No. 79.] HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, January 17, 1893. (Issued 6 p. m.) PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. [Order No. 2.] It is hereby ordered and decreed that until further ordered, the right of the writ of habeas corpus is hereby suspended and martial law is hereby declared to exist throughout the island of Oahu. SANFORD B. DOLE, Minister of Foreign Affairs, J. A. KING, Minister of Interior, P. C. JONES, Minister of Finance, WILLIAM O. SMITH, Attorney-General, Executive Council of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands. ____________ [Inclosure 5 in No. 79.] [Daily Pacific Commercial Advertiser, January 17, 1893.] MASS MEETING--CITIZENS DETERMINED TO RESIST AGGRESSION--AN ENTHUSIASTIC GATHERING AT THE RIFLES' ARMORY PROTESTS AGAINST THE REVOLUTIONARY ATTITUDE OF THE QUEEN--RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED AND THE COMMITTEE OF PUBLIC SAFETY AUTHORIZED TO TAKE FURTHER STEPS. At 2 p. m. yesterday the Honolulu Rifles' armory was the scene of one of the largest and most enthusiastic mass meetings ever held in Honolulu. It was called by the committee of public safety for the purpose of protesting against the revolutionary aggressions of the Queen. At 1.30 citizens began to assemble, and before 2 o'clock the large building was crowded to its utmost capacity, 1,260 being present, by actual count, while many others came later. Every class in the community was fully represented, mechanics, merchants, professional men, and artisans of every kind being 392 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. present in full force. The meeting was intensely enthusiastic, being animated by a common purpose and feeling, and most of the speakers were applauded to the echo. Hon. W. C. Wilder, of the committee of safety, was the chairman. Mr. WILDER said: Fellow citizens, I have been requested to act as chairman of the meeting. Were it a common occurrence, I would consider it an honor, but to-day we are not here to do honor to anybody. I accept the chairmanship of this meeting as a duty. [Applause.] We meet here to-day as men--not as any party, faction, or creed, but as men who are bound to see good government. it is well known to you all what took place at the palace last Saturday. I need not tell you the object of this meeting, and no such meeting has been held since 1887. There is the same reason now as then. An impromptu meeting of citizens was called Saturday to take measures for the public safety. The report of the committee will be read to you. We do not meet as revolutionists, but as peaceful citizens who have the right to meet and state their grievances. [Loud applause.] We will maintain our rights and have courage to maintain them. [Universal cheers.] Nobel Thurston being introduced by the chairman read the report of the committee of safety. "REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF SAFETY. "To the citizens of Honolulu: "On the morning of last Saturday, the 14th instant, the city was startled by the information that Her Majesty Queen Liliuokalani had announced her intention to arbitrarily promulgate a new constitution, and that three of the newly-appointed cabinet ministers had, or were about to, resign in consequence thereof. "Immediately after the prorogation of the Legislature at noon the Queen, accompanied, by her orders, by the cabinet, retired to the palace; the entire military force of the Government was drawn up in line in front of the building, and remained there until dark, and a crowd of several hundred native sympathizers with the new-constitution project gathered in the throne room and about the palace. The Queen then retired with the cabinet, informed them that she had a new constitution ready, that she intended to promulgate it, and proposed to do so then and there, and demanded that they countersign her signature. "She turned a deaf ear to their statements and protests that the proposed action would inevitably cause the streets of Honolulu to run red with blood, and threatened that unless they complied with her demand she would herself immediately go out upon the steps of the palace and announce to the assembled crowd that the reason she did not give them the new constitution was because the ministers would not let her. Three of the ministers, fearing mob violence, immediately summoned back to the palace, but refused to go on the ground that there was no guaranty of their personal safety. "The only forces under the control of the Government are the household guards and the police. The former are nominally under the control of the minister of foreign affairs and actually under the control of their immediate commander, Maj. Nowlein, a personal adherent of the Queen. "The police are under the control of Marshal Wilson, the open and avowed royal favorite. Although the marshal is nominally under the control of the attorney-general, Her Majesty recently announced in a public speech that he is opposed to the Queen's proposition, he also states that if the final issue arises between the Queen and the cabinet and the people he will support the Queen. "The cabinet was absolutely powerless and appealed to citizens for support. "Later they reluctantly returned to the palace, by request of the Queen, and for nearly two hours she again endeavored to force them to acquiesce in her desire, and upon their final refusal announced in a public speech in the throne room and again from the upper gallery of the palace that she desired to issue the constitution, but was prevented from doing so by her ministers and would issue it in a few days. "The citizens responded to the appeal of the cabinet to resist the revolutionary attempt of the Queen, by gather at the office of William O. Smith. "Late in the afternoon it was felt that bloodshed and riot were imminent; that the community could expect no protection from the legal authorities; that, on the contrary, they would undoubtedly be made the instruments of royal aggression. An impromptu meeting of citizens was held, which was attended by the attorney-general, and which was addressed, among others, by the minister of the interior, J. F. Colburn, who stated to the meeting substantially the foregoing facts. "The meeting unanimously passed a resolution that the public welfare required the appointment of a committee of public safety of thirteen, to consider the situation and devise ways and means for the maintenance of the public peace and the protection of life and property. "Such a committee was forthwith appointed and has followed its instructions. 393 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. "The first step which the committee consider necessary is to secure openly, publicly, and peaceably, through the medium of a mass meeting of citizens, a condemnation of the proceedings of the party of revolution and disorder, and a confirmation from such larger meeting of the authority now vested in the committee. "For such purpose the committee hereby recommends the adoption of the following resolution: "RESOLUTION. "1. Whereas Her Majesty Liliuokalani, acting in conjunction with certain other person, has illegally and unconstitutionally and against the advice and consent of the lawful executive officers of the Government, attempted to abrogate the existing constitution and proclaim a new one in subversion of the rights of the people; "2. And whereas such attempt has been accompanied by threats of violence and bloodshed and a display of armed force, and such attempt and acts and threats are revolutionary and treasonable in character; "3. And whereas Her Majesty's cabinet have informed her that such contemplated action was unlawful and would lead to bloodshed and riot and have implored and demanded of her to desist from and renounce such proposed action; "4. And whereas such advice has been in vain, and Her Majesty has in a public speech announced that she was desirous and ready to promulgate such constitution, the same being now ready for such purpose, and that the only reason why it was not now promulgated was because she had met with unexpected obstacles and that a fitting opportunity in the future must be awaited for the consummation of such object, which would be within a few days; "5. And whereas at a public meeting of citizens held in Honolulu on the 14th day of January instant a committee of thirteen to be known as the 'committee of public safety' was appointed to consider the situation and to devise ways and means for the maintenance of the public peace and safety and the preservation of life and property; "6. And whereas such committee has recommended the calling of this mass meeting of citizens to protest against and condemn such action, and has this day presented a report to such meeting denouncing the action of the Queen and her supporters as being unlawful, unwarranted, in derogation of the rights of the people, endangering the peace of the community, and tending the excite riot and cause the loss of life and destruction of property: "Now, therefore, we, the citizens of Honolulu of all nationalities and regardless of political party affiliations, do hereby condemn and denounce the action of the Queen and her supporters; "And we do hereby ratify the appointment and indorse the action taken and report made by the said committee of safety; and we do hereby further empower such committee to further consider the situation and further devise such ways and means as may be necessary to secure the permanent maintenance of law and order and the protection of life, liberty, and property in Hawaii." Mr. THURSTON said: Mr. Chairman, Hawaii is a wonderful country. We are divided into parties and nationalities and factions, but there are moments when we are united and move should to shoulder, moved by one common desire for the public good. Three times during the past twelve years this has happened--in 1880, 1887, and to-day. They say it is ended, it is done, there is nothing to consider. Is it so? [Calls of no! no!] I say, gentlemen, that now and here is the time to act. [Loud cheers.] The Queen says she won't do it again. [Cries of humbug.] Fellow-citizens, have you any memories? Hasn't she once before promised--sworn solemnly before Almighty God to maintain this constitution? What is her word worth? [Calls of nothing! nothing!] It is an old saying that a royal promise is made to be broken. Fellow-citizens, remember it. We have not sought this situation. Last Saturday the sun rose on a peaceful and smiling city; to-day it is otherwise. Whose fault is it? Queen Liliuokalani's. It is not her fault that the streets have not run red with blood. She has printed a proclamation and at the same time, perhaps sent out by the same carriers, her organ prints an extra with her speech with bitterer language than in the Advertiser. She wants us to sleep on a slumbering volcano which will one morning spew out blood and destroy us all. The constitution gives us the right to assemble peacefully and express our grievances. We are here doing that to-day without arms. The man who has not the spirit to rise after the menaces to our liberties has no right to keep them. has the tropic sun cooled and thinned our blood, or have we flowing in our veins the warm rich blood which loves liberty and dies for it? I move the adoption of the resolution. [Tumultuous applause.] Mr. H. F. GLADE, The Queen has done an unlawful thing in ignoring the constitution which she had sworn to uphold. We most decidedly protest against such revolutionary proceeding, and we should do all we possibly can to prevent her from repeating actions which result in disorder and riot. We now have a promise from the Queen that proceedings as we experienced on Saturday shall not occur again; but we should have such assurances and guaranties for this promise that will really 394 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. satisfy us and convince us of the faith and earnestness of the promise given, of which we now have no assurance. What such guaranties and assurances ought to be I can not at this moment say or recommend. This should be referred to the committee of safety for their careful consideration. I second the motion. Mr. YOUNG, in addressing the meeting, spoke as follows: Mr. Chairman and fellow-citizens: In June, 1887, I stood on this same platform and addressed an audience almost as large as the one now before me. At that time we had met to consider a resolution that looked toward a new constitution, which proposed constitution was considered the most effectual method of removing some flagrant abuses in governmental affairs, practiced by the King and his cabinets. The constitution was promulgated. To-day we have met to consider the action of Her Majesty in attempting to set aside the constitution we all worked so hard to have promulgated, in the lost interests of the Sovereign and the people at large, as well as for the redemption of the credit of the Kingdom abroad. It has long been reported that at some favorable opportunity the Queen would spring a new constitution upon the people and place matters even more in the hands of the Sovereign than they were before the revolution of 1887. Some did not believe the rumors, but the actions of the Queen in the last few days have convinced the most skeptical that the rumors were well founded and that she had been pregnant with this unborn constitution for a long time; but it could not be born till under the propitious star. In trying to promulgate this long-promised constitution the Queen has therefore premeditately committed a breach of faith with one portion of her subjects in order to satisfy the clamors of a faction of natives urged by the influence of a mischievous element of foreigners who mean no good to the Queen or the people, but simply for the purpose of providing avenues for carrying out more perfectly the smuggling of opium and diverting the contents of the treasury into their own pockets. A by-authority circular has now been handed around setting forth that the Queen and her cabinet had decided not to press the promulgation of a new constitution; but can we depend on this promise of Her Majesty? Is this promise any more binding upon her than the oath she took before Almighty God to support and maintain the present constitution? Has not the Queen resorted to her questionable methods in an underhanded way to remove what, to the people, was one of the most acceptable cabinets ever commissioned by any sovereign in this Kingdom, in order that four other ministers might be appointed that would carry out her behest, treasonable or otherwise, as might be most conveniently within their scope? I say, have we any reasonable assurance that the Queen and her ministers have abandoned finally the new constitution promulgation scheme? [Roars of "No" from the audience.] My fellow citizens, while the Queen and her cabinet continue to trifle with and play fast and loose with the affairs of state there can be no feeling of security for foreign families residing within these domains. There can be no business prosperity here at home, and our credit abroad must be of the flimsiest and most uncertain nature. And you, business men, who are toiling honestly for your bread and butter, will have to put up with thin bread and much thinner butter if this farcical work is continued. In order that matters may be set to rights again, and that honest, stable and honorable government may be maintained in Hawaii, I support the resolution and trust that it will be passed unanimously by this meeting. Mr. C. BOLTE. Since the resolution which was read here has been written things have changed. On Saturday the Queen promised the native people that she would give them a new constitution under all circumstances; she did not say exactly when but as soon as possible. This morning a proclamation was issued, in which she says that her attempt to promulgate a new constitution last Saturday was made under stress of her native subjects, but that she will not do it again. An attempt to change the fundamental law of the land is a very serious matter, a matter that requires a good deal of consideration, and I am well convinced that this matter has been weighed and considered for more than a day by the Queen, and that there was no acting on the spur of the moment under the stress of her native subjects about it. It was her well premeditated conclusion that she would change the constitution so as to suit herself on the day of prorogation of the Legislature. Many people knew this several days ago, but there have been so many rumors about all sorts of things that not very much attention was paid to it; it was expected that she might change her mind before that day would come. But she did not change her mind as soon as that; she told the native people that she was ready to give them a new constitution right then and there, but that she could not do it because her ministers would not let her. Now she has changed her mind; she makes a sort of excuse for what she did, and says she will never do it again. I seems to me that the question that your committee has to ask now, and which is for you gentlemen here in the meeting to decide, is this: Are you satisfied with the assurance given in to-day's proclamation signed by the Queen and the four ministers, and will you consider this matter ended, or do you desire greater and stronger guarantees for the safety and preservation of your life and liberty and property? I am one of the citizens; committee of public safety; my views on the situation are ex- 395 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. pressed in the resolutions which have just been read, and I trust you will show that you are of the same mind as the committee by adopting these resolutions. Hon. H. P. BALDWIN. I feel, with the rest of you, that the actions of the Queen have put the country in a very critical situation. Before this revolutionary act of Her Majesty we were getting along. A ministry had been appointed which would probably have been able to pull us through. The McKinley bill had put the whole country into a critical situation. We were working up new industries. Mr.. Dillingham was trying to build a railroad around this island. The Queen seems to have blinded herself to all these things. She has followed a whim of her own--a whim of an irresponsible body of Hawaiians--and tried to establish a new constitution. We must stop this; but we must not go beyond constitutional means. I favor this resolution, but think the committee should act within the constitution. There is no question that the Queen has done a revolutionary act; there is no doubt about that. The Queen's proclamation has not inspired confidence; but shall we not teach her to act within the constitution? [Loud calls of "No."] Well, gentlemen, I am ready to act when the time comes. J. EMMELUTH wished to say a few words on the situation. He had heard the Queen's speech at the palace, and noted the expression of her face. It was fiendish. When the petitioners filed out he reflected on the fact that 30 men could paralyze the business of the community for 24 hours. It was not they that did it, but the schemers behind them, and perhaps a woman, too. It was not the Hawaiians that wanted the new constitution; not those who worked. This was the third time that he had shut his doors, let his men go, and came up to this building. it would be the last time. if we let this time go by we would deserve all we would get. An opportunity came once in every lifetime. It had come to us, and if we finished as we should a repetition of last Saturday would never occur in this country again. [Applause.] We must stand shoulder to shoulder. There was but one course to pursue, and we would all see it. The manifesto of this morning was bosh. "I won't do it any more; but give me a chance and I'll do it again." If the Queen had succeeded last Saturday, myself and you would have been robbed of the privileges without which no white man can live in this community. "Fear not, be not afraid," was written in my Bible by my mother twenty-five years ago. Gentlemen, I have done. As far as the Hawaiians are concerned, all have an aloha for them, and we wish to have laws enabling us to live peaceably together. R. J. GREENE. Fellow citizens, among the many things I never could do was to make an impromptu speech. I have tried it over and over again and never succeeded but once, and that was after five weeks' preparation. Our patience has been exhausted. We all agree about the case. The question is, the remedy. John Greene, of Rhode Island, entered the war of the Revolution and served throughout. His son, my father, served through the war of 1812, until that little matter was settled. In 1862 John Greene, my father, stood before a meeting like this, and said he had four sons in the war, of whom I was the youngest, and would serve himself if he was not too old. This experience has biased my judgment as to some matters of civil government. It is too late to throw obstacles across the path of its progress here. I have adopted this flag and am loyal to it, but I am not willing to go one step back in the name of civil liberty, and I will give the last drop of Rhode Island blood in my veins to go forward, and not back. [Cheers.] Chairman Wilder read the latter part of the resolution. It was passed by a unanimous standing vote, without a dissenting voice, and amid tremendous cheers, after which the meeting broke up. [Inclosure 6 in Nov. 79.] [Daily Pacific Commercial Advertiser, January 18, 1893.] THE NEW ERA--THE REVOLUTION TERMINATED BY THE ESTABLISHING OF A PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT-- CITIZENS RISE AND SEIZE THE GOVERNMENT BUILDING--THE MONARCHY ABROGATED--ENTHUSIASTIC VOLUNTEERS RALLY ROUND THE NEW GOVERNMENT--THE LATE QUEEN AND CABINET YIELD AND LEAVE THE TOWN UNDER THE QUIET PROTECTION OF ITS OWN CITIZENS--FULL TEXT OF THE PROCLAMATION AND ORDERS. All day yesterday the community were in a state of expectancy, looking to the committee of public safety to do something to end the state of tension, and to secure the rights of all citizens against encroachment once and for all. The committee in the meantime was not idle, but was incessantly occupied completing its organization and perfecting the final arrangements necessary to the proclamation of the Provisional Government and its protection by an armed force. At about 2.30 o'clock an attempt was made by three native policemen to arrest the progress of a wagon which was being driven up Fort street by Mr. Benner and Mr. Good. Those in charge of the wagon resisted the attempt of the officers to arrest its course. One 396 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. of the officers making a motion to draw a revolver, Mr.. Good drew his own, and calling attention to the fact that he was justified in shooting, he fired, seeking however, to avoid the infliction of a dangerous wound. The wagon pursed its way, followed by a policeman in a hack. This episode precipitated the movement. Citizens hurried to the Beretania street armory, where they were formed into companies and marched to the Government building. In the meantime the committee of public safety, accompanied by members of the Government about to be formed, proceeded to the Government building. They were entirely unarmed. Arrived at the Government building the committee inquired for the cabinet, but the ministers were not to be found. They then demanded and received of Mr. Hassinger the possession of the building. The party now proceeded to the front steps and, in the presence of a rapidly increasing crowd, the following proclamation was read: Before the reading of the proclamation was completed the volunteers from the Rifles' armory began to assemble in force. The grounds of Aliiolani Hale were cleared and a guard set at all the gates. The following orders were then promptly issued by the Provisional Government: HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, January 17, 1893. PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. [Order No. 1.] All persons favorable to the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands are hereby requested to forthwith report to the Government at the Government building and to furnish the Government such arms and ammunition as they may have in their possession or control as soon as possible, in order that efficient and complete protection of life and property and the public peace may be immediately and efficiently put into operation. SANFORD B. DOLE, J. A. KING, P. C. JONES, WILLIAM O. SMITH, Executive Counsel of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands. JOHN EMMELUTH, ANDREW BROWN, C. BOLTE, JAMES F. MORGAN, HENRY WATERHOUSE, S. M. DAMON, W. G. ASHLEY, E. D. TENNY, F. W. McCHESNEY, W. C. WILDER, J. A. McCANDLESS, W. R. CASTLE, LORRINA A. THURSTON, F. J. WILHELM, Advisory Council of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands. __________ HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, January 17, 1893. PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. [Order No. 2.] It is hereby ordered and decreed that until further ordered the right of the writ of habeas corpus is hereby suspended, and martial law is hereby declared to exist throughout the Island of Oahu. SANFORD B. DOLE, Minister of Foreign Affairs, J. A. KING, Minister of the Interior, P. C. JONES, Minister of Finance, WILLIAM O. SMITH, Attorney-General, Executive Council of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands. 397 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. The Provisional government sent for the late ministers, who were at the police station. Two of them came, and finally all four repaired to the headquarters of the new Government, where formal demand was made upon them for the possession of the police station. The ex-ministers asked for time to deliberate upon this demand. They went to the palace in company with Hon. Samuel M. Damon, and held a consultation with Liliuokalani. the result was a compromise proposition, which was rejected by the Provisional Government. After further consultation the following protest was noted: I, Liliuokalani, by the grace of God and under the constitution of the Hawaiian Kingdom, Queen, do hereby solemnly protest against any and all acts done against myself and the constitutional government of the Hawaiian Kingdom by certain persons claiming to have established a Provisional Government of and for this Kingdom. That I yield to the superior force of the United States of America, whose minister plenipotentiary, his excellency John L. Stevens, has caused United States troops to be landed at Honolulu and declared that he would support the said provisional Government. Now, to avoid any collision of armed forces and perhaps the loss of life, I do, under this protest, and impelled by said force, yield my authority until such time as the Government of the United States shall, upon the facts being presented to it, undo the action of its representative and reinstate me in the authority which I claim as the constitutional Sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands. Done at Honolulu this 17th day of January, A. D. 1893. LILIUOKALANI, R. . SAMUEL PARKER, Minister of Foreign Affairs. WM. H. CORNWALL, Minister of Finance. JNO. F. COLBURN, Minister of the Interior. A. P. PETERSON, Attorney-General. S. B. DOLE, Esq., and others, Composing the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands. (Indorsed:) Received by the hands of the late cabinet this 17th day of January, A. D. 1893. (Signed) Sanford B. Dole, chairman of the executive council of Provisional Government. The late Queen and cabinet accordingly yielded unconditionally, and the police station was turned over to Commander Soper and Capt. Ziegler with forty men from Company A. Mr. Wilson made a short address to the police force assembled in the station, telling them that resistance was no longer feasible. The Provisional Government sent notifications of the situation to the representatives of foreign powers. The following answer to the request for recognition was received from his excellency John L. Stevens: "A Provisional Government having been duly constituted in the placed of the recent Government of Queen Liliuokalani, and said Provisional Government being in full possession of the Government building, the archives, and the treasury, and in control of the capital of the Hawaiian Islands, I hereby recognize said Provisional Government as the de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands. "JOHN L. STEVENS, "Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States." At latest advices the Provisional Government was in complete possession of the city, and the only Government possessing, exercising, or claiming any authority or power whatsoever. ___________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster. No. 80.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, January 19, 1893. SIR: The Provisional Government of Hawaii, by special steamer, send a commission to Washington with full powers to negotiate with the Government of the United States. It is composed of six representative men of the highest respectability. Hon. William C. Wilder is the president and chief manager of the Inter-islands Steamship Company, 398 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. running steamers among the islands, and he has large property interests in Honolulu. Hon. C. M. [surname omitted] is a leading lumber merchant, doing business with Puget sound and Oregon, born here of the best American stock. Hon. L. A. Thurston is one of the most, if not the most, talented and influential man on the islands, and is of the highest respectability. He and his father were born on the islands, of Connecticut parentage. Though a young man, he was the leading member of the reform cabinet from July, 1887, to 1890. Hon. William H. Castle is a lawyer of eminence, born on the islands, of western New York parentage, his father still living here at the age of 84, having resided in Honolulu nearly half a century, and for many years exercised a large influence here. Mr. Charles P. Carter is the son of the recent Hawaiian minister at Washington, Hon. H. P. Carter, and is an accomplished and most reliable gentleman, American to the core, and has a Michigan wife. Hon. Mr. Marsden is of English birth, is a prominent business man and a noble in the Legislature. These six commissioners represent a large preponderating proportion of the property holders and commercial interests of these islands. They are backed by the influences which will enable them to fully carry out their agreements with the United States Government. I am, sir, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. __________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster. [Confidential.] No. 81.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, January 26, 1893. SIR: By the steamer taking this dispatch, goes Mr. Paul Neuman to Washington, the attorney of the deposed Queen. Nominally he may make at the Department of State a "protest" as to the way his client lost her crown. In reality his mission is to get a large fee out of whatever sum it is supposed may be paid by the treaty of annexation to the fallen monarch and the Crown Princess. This attorney, as the Hawaiian Commissioners now in Washington may inform you, was a former resident of San Francisco, where he had and still has an unsavory reputation. For years his influence in politics here has been pernicious. He was a boon companion of the debased Kalakaua, the recent King; shared in his corruptions, and is reputed to have won at cards the money of the weak monarch. He was twice voted out of the cabinet by the recent Legislature by a large majority, every reputable member each time against him. He is believed on strong reasons to have been the head man in getting through the Legislature in the closing hours of the session the infamous lottery bill, which so much aided in precipitating the overthrow of the Hawaiian monarchy. This man, the Queen's attorney, is a good-natured, "jolly fellow," who, seeing the strong drift of things here, now avows himself unqualifiedly for annexation. I think it may duty to give to the Department of State this amount of information about the fallen Queen's attorney, and the Commissioners now in Washington can give you as much more as they deem proper. I am, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. 399 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Since the preceding dispatch was written Paul Neuman, as the attorney of the Queen, has called on me and explained his mission to Washington. I will take back nothing as to his former political career here; but he is good natured and politic lawyer. While he will probably urge the request to have the United States restore the fallen Queen to the throne as a matter of form and good faith on his part to his royal client, I have impressed on him the logic of the situation and the absolute impossibility of restoring the deposed Queen. I think he sees this clearly, however otherwise he may at first talk, and that his only hope is to obtain a good cash consideration for all her claims. I think he has "full power of attorney" to this end. He takes with him the young man, Prince David, as he is called here, one of the two princes made by Kalakaua, spoken of in my No. 82, page 9. STEVENS. ____________ Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens. [Telegram.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, January 28, 1893. Your dispatch, telegraphed from San Francisco, announcing revolution and establishment of a Provisional Government, was received to-day. Your course in recognizing an unopposed de facto Government appears to have been discreet and in accordance with the facts. The rule of this Government has uniformly been to recognize and enter into relation with any actual Government in full possession of effective power, with the assent of the people. You will continue to recognize the new Government under such conditions. It is trusted that the change, besides conducing to the tranquillity and welfare of the Hawaiian Islands, will tend to draw closer the intimate ties of amity and common interests which so conspicuously and necessarily link them to the United States. You will keep in constant communication with the commander of the United States naval force at Honolulu, with a view to acting, if need be, for the protection of the interests and property of American citizens and aiding in the preservation of good order under the changed conditions reported. FOSTER. ___________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster. [Telegram.] HONOLULU, February 1, 1893. Provisional Government of Hawaii gaining power and respect. Everything is quiet. Annexation sentiment is increasing. Dead monarchy and opposition to annexation is supported chiefly by lottery and opium ring. To-day at 9 a. m., in accordance with the request of Provisional Government of Hawaii, I have placed Government of Hawaii under the United States protection during negotiations, not interfering with the execution of public affairs. Have mailed important dispatches. Have sent duplicate copies of dispatches. It is advisable that Commodore Skerrett proceed at once to Honolulu, Sandwich Islands, with one or more United States ships as precautionary measures. STEVENS. 400 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens. No. 70.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, Feb. 1, 1893. SIR: I append a copy of telegraphic correspondence with your legation, relative to the new Government of Hawaii. I am, etc., JOHN W. FOSTER. ______________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster. No. 82.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, February 1, 1893. SIR: Everything is moving on here quietly. The Provisional Government is discharging its responsibilities with firmness, discretion, and in the spirit of conciliation and magnanimity. The annexation sentiment has constantly increased since the departure of the commissioners for Washington, and with heartfelt earnestness is taking possession of all classes. Nearly all the Germans, the large proportion of the respectable and responsible English, and almost the entire Portuguese population are warmly for annexation. This inclination of the Portuguese is quite important, for they number seven or eight thousand, are among the most industrious and saving, and they are thoughtfully led by Senor Canavarro, their charge d'affaires, who has resided here for years, and commands the respect and confidence of all the best citizens of the islands of whatever nationality. Canavarro's wife, on account of health and business, is obliged to spend much of her time in California, where she owns valuable property. Annexation and the United States have good friends in the Canavarros.* As terms of annexation, I still adhere firmly to the opinion expressed in my despatch No. 74 that the sugar bounty to be paid to the Hawaiian sugar planters should be limited to 6 mills per pound--$12 per ton, so long, and only so long as the United States bounty system shall be maintained. To the objection that this allows only $12 per ton on Hawaiian sugar while the Hawaiian planters get twice the amount per acre that the Louisiana planters do on the average, and as I said in my despatch 74, the concensus of opinion among the leading planters here, obtained by me five or six months since, was, and is, that $12 per ton bounty will place all the Hawaiian plantations worth maintaining on the road of financial safety and success. As to the form of Government for the islands, I now only vary from views expressed in my 74 as to incline strongly to the opinion that the beginning should be substantially like that of President Jefferson and Congress in respect of Louisiana in the act of 1804, page 283, United States Statutes at Large, only differing from that by providing, in addition to governor, attorney-general, a commissioner of finance, a commissioner of the interior, and a legislative council of thirteen or fourteen, all to be appointed by the President, unless it should be deemed best for the governor to appoint the attorney-general, and the commissioners of finance and the interior, who would be prac- __________________________________________________________________________________ *See Mr. Stevens's telegram of January 18, 1893, and Mr. Foster's telegram of January 28, 1893, in reply. *The remarks relative to Senor Canavarro, the Portuguese charge, strictly confidential. 401 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. tically a cabinet of three to aid the governor to carry on the Government. This plan and method of Government could be maintained as a transition Government until experience should prove it best to change it to a more popular form. In the meantime the responsible voters would rapidly increase and American ideas and interest would gain in force and volume. My private consultation with the Provisional Government since the departure of the commissioners for Washington has led us to think highly of the Jefferson act of 1804 for Louisiana as a transition expedient for Hawaii. This would cause no shock and would allow affairs to move along on safe and conservative lines until time and experience demand something better. it would be fortunate to have such a man as Sanford B. Dole, the present head of the Provisional Government, the first American governor of Hawaii. As to liquidating all political claims from the fall of the Queen and the Crown Princess, may I be allowed to suggest that the spirit and import of the Marcy treaty plan of 1854 had better be adopted, which authorized the expenditure of $100,000 for like purposes. I, therefore, suggest that if a liquidation of this kind be now under consideration and $150,000 should be allowed as the total sum for this purpose, $70,000 should go to the fallen Queen Liliuokalani and $70,000 to the Crown Princess Kaiulana, and $5,000 to each of the two young princes. The last named--the two princes--are harmless young persons, of little account, not chiefs by blood, but they were made princes by the late King Kalakaua without any constitutional right or power to do so, the then boys being nephews of his wife Kapiolani. Should the entire sum granted for these purposes be greater or less than $150,000 I advise that the above specified proportions be maintained. As to the native Hawaiians and their native leaders at this time, things are tending favorably towards annexation. Mr. Kauhame, for many years a member of the Legislature, and regarded for years the best native in the islands in public life, a noble to the close of the recent session of that body, is earnest for annexation. So is Mr. Kanihi, a member of the Legislature from this island. Hon. John W. Kahia, the ablest native lawyer in the islands, years a member of former Legislatures from the important island of Maui, thinks the fall of the Queen and the extinction of the monarchy a boon to Hawaii, and he is for annexation. Robert W. Wilcox, a half-white native, who led the Hawaiian revolt in 1889, which came so near being successful, is now for annexation. He was educated in Italy at a military school, is 37 years of age, his father being a citizen of Rhode Island, and, it is said, is still living in that State. This Wilcox has more fighting ability than any other native Hawaiian, and will be proud to become an American citizen and at a future time to serve in the army or civil service of the United States. The ablest of the native Hawaiian Christian ministers are strong in their American sympathies. The pastor of the large native Hawaiian church in this city, a native Hawaiian, is for annexation earnestly. The other large Hawaiian congregation and church in Honolulu has a favorite pastor born here of American parentage, whose quiet influence is in the same direction. The native newspaper of much the largest circulation in the islands advocates annexation, stands by the Provisional Government, and is losing none of its circulation. The main part of the opponents of annexation are the lower class of natives, led by unscrupulous foreigners, of little property, mostly of California, Australia, and Canada, who wish to maintain the Hawaiian monarchy and its corruptions for their own unworthy purposes, and who think their F R 94--APP II-----26 402 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. opportunities for power and spoliation will be gone if annexation becomes a fact. The Hawaiian pear is now fully ripe, and this is the golden hour for the United States to pluck it. If annexation does not take place promptly, all is held in doubt and suspense for six or ten months, there certainly will be here a revulsion to despair, and these people, by their necessities, might be forced towards becoming a British colony, for the English here of the monarchical type would then avail themselves of their opportunity and stir up all possible opposition to annexation. The wealthiest Englishman of these islands has to-day called at this legation, and no man in Hawaii is more earnest for annexation. His two sons, large business men, are with him in this regard, and the next old British resident, a Scotchman by birth, is with the man first named for annexation. I can not otherwise than urge prompt action at Washington. I am, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. ___________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster. No. 83.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Honolulu, February 1, 1893. SIR: In my No. 81, by this mail, I have given information as to the going of Paul Neumann to Washington by this steamer to represent the interests of the fallen Queen. I have since learned that it is not improbable that there also will go to Washington, of the Queen's faction, Mr. H. A. Widemann and Mr. C. O. Berger. The former is a Hessian German who came to these islands nearly forty years ago. He is married to a pure native wife, and has acquired property through his relations to natives and by the American sugar tariff under reciprocity. His views are widely different from all the other principal Germans here. His relations have been close with the fallen Queen and he was voted out of her cabinet early in the session of the recent Legislature, all of the best members voting against him. He is, and always has been, strongly anti-American. He was of the small clique in Honolulu bitterly against us from 1861 to 1865. He was the leading man of the only five who, in the Legislature two years since, voted to put an end to all further negotiations with the United States. For years he has had relations with the English minister here, though the latter has not always approved of Widemann's eccentricities, for which the latter is well known. Widemann is 70 years of age, somewhat broken, and says he is going only to California for his health. He takes with him Mr. O. C. Berger, his son-in-law, a German or a Swede, who came here from the United States. Berger is reputed to be of few scruples. He was a member of the recent Legislature, always voted with the thieves, voted for the lottery franchise, and had "a job" with the recent Government which made much talk here unfavorable to Berger. It is thought now that he cares little for the old palace dynasty, but goes only to please and to take care of the health of Widemann,* of whose property, as son-in-law, he hopes soon to share. Possibly Widemann and Berger tell the __________________________________________________________________________________ *It is now understood here that Widemann goes to Washington with Paul Neumann. Both of them have taken tickets for the steamer which leaves here to-morrow for San Francisco. 403 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. truth in saying that they are gong only to San Francisco, but rumor and strong suspicion say that they will go with Neumann to Washington to help the case of the deposed Queen and to oppose annexation. Another leaf of valuable information I wish to give the Department of State: The old "palace gang" for the past ten days have been busy here and in the other islands in getting the signatures of natives to a remonstrance against annexation, in the hope thus to restore the monarchy. The signatures to these petitions or remonstrances are being obtained by utterly false representations as to the purposes of the United States, by promises, and other unscrupulous means. This dirty work is managed exclusively by the same white men, American renegades, Australians, and Canadians, who have thrived on the palace corruptions under the recent King Kalakaua and his sister, the deposed Queen. There will be no certainty that half the signatures* to the petitions or remonstrances are genuine. Possibly a Mr. Bush and a Mr. Namahi will be the bearers of these petitions. The former is a half-white, a minister of Kalakaua in the brief and famous "Moreno fiasco," and Bush and Namahi were members of the recent Legislature and voted for the lottery franchise. These and the whole lottery and palace gang are directly interested in discrediting the Provisional Government, for that Government has just annulled the lottery charter, which the palace gang hoped to sell out to the Louisiana Lottery men for a half million dollars, more of less. There is also some talk that Antone Rosa, a half-white lawyer, with a doubtful reputation, may go with Bush and Namahi. It is possible that none of these named--Widemann, Berger, Bush, Namahi, and Rosa--will go to Washington. Bush, Namahi, and Rosa have no following among the better class of the native Hawaiians, and their representations would be entirely unreliable. The members of the Provisional Government's commission, now in Washington, thoroughly know the character and backing of Widemann, Berger, Namahi, Bush, and Rosa. There is no doubt that the palace gang of white men will pay the bills of Bush, Namahi, and Rosa, if they go on their visit to Washington. I am, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. ___________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster. No. 84.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, February 1, 1893. SIR: To-day the undersigned and Capt. Wiltse of the Boston are compelled to assume a grave responsibility. The inclosed copies of official notes will explain the reasons which have led to this action on our part. I have time before the departure of the mail steamer only to state briefly the additional reasons which caused us to assume temporary protectorate of these islands. The Provisional Government must have time to organize a new police and to discipline a small military force. When the monarchy died by its own hand, there was no military force in the islands but the royal guard of about 75 natives, not in effective force equal to 20 American soldiers. These were promptly discharged __________________________________________________________________________________ *Have received absolutely reliable information that the signatures of the natives to the petitions above specified are secured by paying so much a head to the signers or to the agents who secure them. The white palace and lottery men are working this plan of action. 404 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. by the Provisional Government, except 16 left as the guard of the fallen Queen at her house. The white men here, as well as the natives, have not been much accustomed to the use of arms. There are scarcely any men familiar with military discipline. Companies are now being organized and drilled. They must have a few weeks for drill. Only a small force of a few hundred will be required, but these must be disciplined men. So far the Provisional Government has been sustained by the uprising and union of the business men and best citizens. Bankers, merchants, clerks, professional men, respectable mechanics have stood manfully by the new Government and kept guard by night. This kind of defense must give place to a small, reliable military force. Time is the necessity of the new Government. There are 40,000 Chinese and Japanese on the islands, and evil-disposed persons might stir some of them to disorder. But the chief elements of evil are in Honolulu, where are the renegade whites at the head of the lottery and opium rings, and a considerable number of hoodlum foreigners and the more vicious of the natives. Another important reason for our action is the possibility of the arrival here of a British war vessel, and that the English minister here, thus aided, might try to press unduly the Provisional Government. With the islands under our protection we think the English minister will not attempt to insist that his Government has the right to interfere while our flag is over the Government building. This is all I have time to write before the departure of the mail. We shall continue to maintain our present position with great caution and firmness until we hear from the President through the Secretary of State. As a necessary precaution against all contingencies, I advise that Admiral Skerrett be promptly sent here with one or two ships in addition to the Boston. I am, sir, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. (One or two of the preceding numbers of the dispatches by this mail were written prior to this date, but they were dated February 1 because this is the day of the steamer's departure.) ______ [Inclosure 1.] Mr. Stevens to Capt. Wiltse. UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, February 1, 1893. SIR: The Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands having duly and officially expressed to the undersigned, the fear that said Government may be unable to protect life and property and to prevent civil disorder in Honolulu, the capital of said Hawaiian Islands, request that the flag of the United States may be raised for the protection of the Hawaiian Islands, and to that end confer on the United States, through the undersigned, freedom of occupation of the public buildings of the Hawaiian Goverment and the soil of the Hawaiian Islands, so far as may be necessary for the exercise of such protection, but not interfering with the adminstration of the public affairs by said Provisional Government. I hereby ask you to comply with the spirit and terms of the request of the Hawaiian Provisional Government, and to that end to use all the force at your command, in the exercise of your best judgment and discretion, you and myself awaiting instructions for the United States Government at Washington. I am, sir, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States. Capt. G. C. WILTSE, Commander of the U. S. Ship Boston. 405 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. [Inclosure 2.] The Hawaiian Provisional Government to Mr. Stevens. HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, January 31, 1893. SIR: Believing that we are unable to satisfactory protect life and property, and to prevent civil disorders in Honolulu and throughout the Hawaiian Islands, we hereby, in obedience to the instructions of the advisory council, pray that you will raise the flag of the United States of America for the protection of the Hawaiian Islands for the time being, and to that end we hereby confer upon the Government of the United States, through you, freedom of occupation of the public buildings of this Government, and of the soil of this country, so far as may be necessary for the exercise of such protection, but not interfering with the administration of public affairs by this Government. We have, etc., SANFORD B. DOLE, President of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, and Minister of Foreign Affairs. J. A. KING, Minister of Interior. P. C. JONES, Minister of Finance. WILLIAM O. SMITH, Attorney-General. His Excellency JOHN L. STEVENS, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States. ___________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster. [Telegram.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Honolulu, February 8, 1893. The affairs of state continue to be hopeful. Hoisting flag in protection of this Government was expected. Subjects who were doubtful, now for annexation. The natives showed unexpected regard of the United States flag. Prudent conduct of Capt. Wiltse, the officers and crew of the Boston, credit to the Navy. Can not send by mail. STEVENS. ____________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster. No. 85.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, February 8, 1893. SIR: As I have already indicated by cipher telegram of this date, political affairs here continue to have a hopeful aspect. The raising of the United States flag and the published proclamation of temporary American protectorate of the islands, so far, appear to be having a more beneficial effect than could have been reasonably anticipated. Foreign residents, before in doubt, are now expressing satisfaction that the American flag has been raised here, and are hoping that it will not be lowered, believing annexation best for all concerned. The native Hawaiians are showing an unexpected regard for our flag. The fallen Queen has conducted herself so shamefully and shown so much favoritism to foreign adventurers that all the better portions of the natives had ceased to have legal reverence for her. Her bold, unblushing associa- 406 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. tion with the Tahitian half-white palace favorite weakened the hold of the Queen on the natives nearly as much as the official confidence she gave to the American and Australian adventurers of the lottery and opium rings. Imformation from all the principal islands of the group is favorable; more so than could have been anticipated. The local government affairs are moving on with little friction, and the courts are transacting their regular and customary business. The interruption to private business and labor is comparatively little, while the hope of annexation is exerting an invigorating financial influence. As soon as it can become a certainty that these islands are to remain under the United States flag as a part of American territory, there is little doubt that all the principal native leaders will wish to become American citizens, and their assistance can be had to help bring the native people into ready obedience to American law and fidelity to the American flag. As stated in my cipher telegram of this date, the conduct of Capt. Wiltse, of the Boston, and of the officers and men under his command has been admirable. Their deportment on shore and in public places, whether on duty or otherwise, has been such as to command the favorable comment of all. The time of Capt. Wiltse here is understood to expire February 10. I have no doubt it would be a just gratification to him could he remain on duty here until the question of annexation shall have been substantially decided. I am, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. ____________ Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens. [Telegram.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, February 14, 1893. Your telegram of the 1st instant has been received, with coincident report from commander of the Boston. Press telegrams from San Francisco give full details of events of 1st instant, with text of your proclamation. The latter, in announcing assumption of protection of the Hawaiian Islands in the name of the United States would seem to be tantamount to the assumption of a protectorate over those islands on behalf of the United States, with all the rights and obligations which the term implies. It is not thought, however, that the request of the Provisional Government for protection or your action in compliance therewith contemplated more than the cooperation of the moral and material forces of the United States to strengthen the authority of the Provisional Government, by according to it adequate protection for life and property during the negotiations instituted here, and without interfering with the execution of public affairs. Such cooperation was and is within your standing instructions and those of the naval commanders in Hawaiian waters. So far as your course accords to the de facto Sovereign Government, the material cooperation of the United States for the maintenance of good order and protection of life and property from apprehended disorders, it is commended; but so far as it may appear to overstep that limit by setting the authority of the United States above that of the Hawaiian Government in the capacity of protector, or to impair the independent sovereignty of that Govern- 407 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. ment by substituting the flag and power of the United State, it is disavowed. Instructions will be sent to naval commanders confirming and renewing those heretofore given them, under which they are authorized and directed to cooperate with you in case of need. Your own instructions are likewise renewed, and you are accordingly authorized to arrange with the commanding officer for the continued presence on shore of such marine force as may be practicable and requisite for the security of the lives and property interests of American citizens and the repression of lawlessness threatening them, whenever in your judgment it shall be necessary so to do, or when such cooperation may be sought for good cause by the Government of the Hawaiian Islands; being, however, always careful to distinguish between these functions of voluntary or accorded protection and the assumption of a protectorate over the Government of the Hawaiian Islands, which the United States have recognized as sovereign and with which they treat on terms of sovereign quality. JOHN W. FOSTER. ___________ Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens. [Telegram.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, February 15, 1893. A treaty of annexation has been signed and will be sent to the Senate without delay. JOHN W. FOSTER. ___________ Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens. No. 73.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, February 16, 1893. SIR: I append on the overleaf a copy of a telegram* sent to you on the 14th instant, relative to the Hawaiian revolution. I am., etc., JOHN W. FOSTER. __________________________________________________________________________________ *See under date of February 14, 1893. 408 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens. No. 74.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, February 17, 1893. SIR: I append for your information copy of an instruction to the consul-general at Honolulu, of this date, directing him to report fully as to the shipping under Hawaiian registry on the 17th day of January, 1893, and any transfers of vessels to the Hawaiian flag which may have been or may be effected since that date. You will kindly lend Mr. Severance your counsel and aid in preparing the indicated report. I suggest, moreover, for your confidential guidance, that it may be well for you to make such friendly and discreet intimation to the present Government as may discourage the placing of foreign shipping under its flag at this juncture. I am, etc., WILLIAM F. WHARTON , Acting Secretary. ______ [Inclosure in No. 74.] Mr. Wharton to Mr. Severance. No. 74.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, February 17, 1893. SIR: I have to request that you will prepare, at as early a day as may be possible and forward to the Department, a table showing all vessels, bona fide, under Hawaiian registry on the 17th of January last, giving names, character, tonnage, horse-power, if steamers, where and when built, and how owned at that date, whether by Hawaiian citizens or foreigners. You will also be expected to report what vessels, if any, have been or may be transferred from foreign registry to the Hawaiian flag since the 17th of January, giving the same particulars. It is said, but with what positive foundation is not here known, that a movement is on foot to place a number of foreign vessels under Hawaiian registry, with a view to eventually obtain the benefits of United States registry. Your inquiries, which should be discreet, and your report should aim to throw light on this subject. The minister has been informed of this instruction, and you may confer with him on the subject. I am, etc., WILLIAM F. WHARTON, Acting Secretary. _____________ Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens. [Telegram.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, February 22, 1893. The treaty of annexation is still pending in the Senate. Confirming previous instructions, you are directed, in cooperation with the naval authorities, to support the Provisional Government in the maintenance of security to life and property and good order, until action shall be had upon the treaty. FOSTER. 409 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens. No. 75.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, February 23, 1893. SIR: I append a copy of your telegram* of 8th instant of Hawaiian affairs. I am, sir, etc., WILLIAM F. WHARTON. ____________ Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens. No. 76.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, February 24, 1893. SIR: I append a copy of a telegram+ sent you on 22d instant. I am, etc., WILLIAM F. WHARTON, Acting Secretary. _____________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster. No. 86.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, February 27, 1893. SIR: The political status of affairs here remains much the same as at the date of my last previous dispatch, with improving indications as to these islands becoming a part of the territory of the United States, to the great satisfaction of nearly all of the responsible citizens, whites as well as native Hawaiians. The raising of the United States flag over the Government building continues to have a pacifying influence. The qualified United States Provisional Government, is being exercised with caution and reservation, in no way interfering with Hawaiian sovereignty nor with the administration of Hawaiian public affairs by the duly constituted authorities. My understanding of the spirit and terms of our temporary protectorate is in entire accord with the spirit and terms of the Secretary of State's dispatch to me of February 14, and implied in my dispatch No. 84. of February 1st, and the papers accompanying the same. There are now on shore about one hundred and twenty marines and sailors of the U. S. S. Boston, with their officers, and their conduct so far has been highly creditable to the American Navy. All present indications are to the import that if annexation becomes a fact the white population will be nearly unanimous in its favor; that most of the native Hawaiians will readily acquiesce, and that the permanent good order and prosperity of the islands will be secured. The most recent advices from all the principal islands indicate quiet, good order, and general acquiescence in the rule of the Provisional Government. I am, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. __________________________________________________________________________________ *See under date of February 8, 1893. +See under date of February 22, 1893. 410 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster. No. 87.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, February 27, 1893. SIR: In my dispatch 84, of February 1, I gave as one of the reasons for our action in assuming a qualified and temporary "protectorate" over these islands, the possibility of the arrival here of a British war vessel, and stated that the English minister thus aided might try to press unduly the Provisional Government. On the 13th instant the British cruiser Garnet , an iron ship of 2, 120 tons, 240 men and officers, Capt. H. F. Hughes-Hallet in command, arrived here. Only three or four days had elapsed when the manifest unfriendliness of the English sailors as well as of some of the officers of the Garnet was displayed. The men of the Garnet being allowed to go on shore in the customary way, they soon showed marked sympathy for the fallen Queen's cause and indulged in insulting remarks towards the United States marines and sailors of the Boston on duty ashore by the request of the Provisional Government and with my approval. There came very near being a riot and severe quarrel in the public streets. Only the forbearance and self-possession of the officers and men of the Boston prevented the English sailors getting a severe beating, with unhappy incidents. it at once became necessary for the Provisional Government to take precautionary steps as to the men from foreign naval vessels being on shore, providing that only those of one nationality should be on shore the same day. I cannot think that Capt. Hughes-Hallet, of the Garnet , gave countenance to this insulting and disorderly conduct of the men of his ship, though some of the under officers may have done so. Neither the captain of the Garnet nor his officers have made the customary call on the Provisional Government, and so far as possible they seem to wish to ignore it. it is generally supposed, and I think correctly, that the English minister here, Hon. J. H. Wodehouse, whose son is married to the sister of the Hawaiian Crown Princess, is largely responsible for this unfriendliness to the Provisional Government. By those best informed as to Hawaiian Government affairs in the past twenty years, it is said that Mr. Wodehouse in his persistent resistance to American predominance here has never been well supported by the British cabinet in London, and it is believed that he will not be now. Were it not that our flag is over the Government House there is little doubt that this British unfriendliness would have done much more mischief in stirring up the "hoodlum" elements, of which the lottery and opium gang of the fallen Queen's supporters have more or less control. At a great American reception and ball here on the evening of the 25th instant, the largest and most imposing ever had in Honolulu, partly as a testimonial to Captain Wiltse, of the Boston, about to leave for the United States, the English, the English diplomatic and consular officials, nor the officers of the Garnet attended, though they were invited. I am, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS.