411 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster. [Telegram.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Honolulu, March 1, 1893. All quiet throughout archipelago. Protectorate is preventing pressure of the British minister. The Japanese representatives telegraphed Government January 19. Japanese ship Naniwa arrived February 23, Kongo arrived January 28. It is believed that the Japanese representative who arrived November 28 is urged by the British minister. It is believed that the British ship Warspite has been ordered here to provide for contingencies. It is advisable to send here at once the most powerful American ship available. I have sent particulars by mail. STEVENS. ___________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Foster. No. 88.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, March 1, 1893. SIR: My telegram preceding this dispatch informed the Department of State that quiet and general regularity in political and business affairs prevailed throughout the islands. Our qualified protectorate appears to work favorably. It not only tends to increase American and annexation sentiments, but it also operates to prevent foreign complications. It makes it very difficult for the English Minister here--very hostile to American predominance--from interfering. He is very desirous of bringing about a state of things to afford a pretext for landing English marines and sailors, and to bring about a tripartite management of Hawaiian affairs. Hence his efforts to secure the Japanese commissioner to his design. With the former Japanese commissioner, a gentleman of education and intelligence and very fair-minded, I had most cordial relations. The present commissioner, here only a few weeks, is a different man. He had been in the consular service in San Francisco and New York and evidently has a certain degree of anti-American prejudice. When he telegraphed Tokio for the great iron clad which arrived here February 23, the Provisional Government had not got fairly to work, and our "qualified protectorate" had not been established. Not fully understanding the situation he acted hastily. So far the commanders of the two Japanese vessels have followed the example of the English commanders in not calling on the Provisional Government, though both the English minister and the Japanese commissioner had acknowledged it as the Hawaiian Government de facto . The French commissioner and the Portuguese charge and on most friendly terms with the Provisional Government, as are nearly all the foreign consuls. I still hope to separate the Japanese commissioner from the English minister. He has already avowed himself quite well satisfied with the course of the Provisional Government, and acknowledges the unsupportable state of things the last weeks of the Hawaiian monarchy. 412 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. It is possible he has some connection with the middlemen who have been supplying contract laborers for the Hawaiian plantations, and fears annexation might spoil the occupation and profits of middlemen. Whether any suggestions should be made to our minister at Tokio to say anything to the Japanese Government touching Hawaiian affairs, it is for the Department of State to decide. I am, sir, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. NOTE.--In requesting that war vessels be sent here I have considered that the Department of State might probably have information prior to arrival of my cipher dispatch rendering the granting of my request unnecessary. But I also consider that if I do not give the view as it appears at this distant standpoint at this date, I would fail of duty. STEVENS. ___________ Mr. Wharton to Mr. Stevens. No. 77.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, March 2, 1893. SIR: I transmit a letter of the President in reply to the letter of January 24, 1893, of his excellency the President of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, relating to political events; and a copy thereof. You will send the copy to the foreign office, and deliver the original at a time and in a manner agreeable to his excellency. I am, sir, etc., WILLIAM F. WHARTON, Acting Secretary. __________ [Enclosure in No. 77.] Benjamin Harrison, President of the United States of American, To His Excellency, Sanford B. Dole, President of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands. WASHINGTON, March 1, 1893. GREAT AND GOOD FRIEND: I have received your letter of January 24, 1893, by which you inform me that the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands has been quietly and peaceably established under a proclamation formally and publicly made at the door of the Government building in Honolulu, on the 17th day of January, 1893, and that the said Government has honored you with the office of President of the Provisional Government and chairman of the executive and advisory councils of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands. I am pleased to note the expression of your earnest desire to maintain and strengthen the strong friendship which has for so many years existed between the United States and the Hawaiian Islands, and to assure your excellency that I shall omit no effort which may conduce to the accomplishment of a purpose which I so heartily desire. May God have your excellency and the people of the Hawaiian Islands in His wise keeping. Your good friend, BENJ. HARRISON. By the President: WM. F. WHARTON, Acting Secretary of State. 413 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Stevens to Mr. Gresham. No. 89.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, March 6, 1893. SIR: Believing it to be proper and just for the administration of President Cleveland to have the appointment of a United States minister abroad who fully represents its views as to foreign policy, I hereby tender my resignation as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary in Honolulu. It is not improper for me to say that I should have offered my resignation about this date had President Harrison been reelected, it having been my firm resolution when I came here in 1889 not to remain longer than four years at most. I am aware that the present Hawaiian Government and most of the Americans and friends of the United States in these islands have a strong desire that I should continue to hold my official position here at present, owing to my thorough acquaintance with Hawaiian affairs. But if annexation is near being accomplished, I think by the 1st of May I can leave here without detriment to public interests, and that whatever further duties may be required of a diplomatic official can be safely intrusted to Hon. H. W. Severance, the present consul-general. He is well informed as to the history of recent political events here. In addition to his four years of consular service in Honolulu he had had in former years an extensive acquaintance with these islands. He is a gentleman of correct life and has the confidence of the best men here, being about 64 years of age. As neither a United States minister nor consul is likely to be needed here long, I would advise that Mr. Severance be continued in office so long as his official services may be necessary. If annexation is not at present to become an accomplished fact, and a minister should be needed here, you will allow the suggestion that he should be a superior man of tact, firmness, integrity, and correct life, and American to the core. To avoid risks I would advise he be not a Californian politician of any party, for owing to contiguity and near commercial association a Californian might not be entirely unbiased on some questions and interests. I am, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. ___________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Gresham. No. 90.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, March 7, 1893. SIR: The political situation here at this time is much the same as it was to the dates of my two preceding dispatches. There is general quiet throughout the islands and the Provisional Government is getting along exceedingly well, all circumstances considered. It is giving satisfaction to all the better and more responsible citizens. Of course, all are awaiting with deep anxiety the result of the action of the Senate on the annexation treaty. Mr. Wodehouse, the British minister, is trying to embarass it in several particulars, especially its freedom of action in respect to its negotiations with the United States. He has tried to induce it to request the return to their ship of the marines and sailors of the Boston, about 120 in all. He is assuming to urge that the 414 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. annexation treaty if ratified by the Senate should be submitted here to a popular vote, hoping to stir up all the factional and irresponsible elements thus to defeat annexation, though none knows better than he that such a procedure here under existing conditions would be a farce and no test of the opinions of the responsible people of the islands. Of course, the views of the English minister in this regard get to the public ears and the factional and irresponsible elements are stirred more or less by the Canadian, Australian, and American adventurers here, of the lottery and opium rings. I think the Provisional Government has answered the English minister very effectively by pointing him to the general course of the British Government in its numerous annexations of Pacific Islands as well as of other countries. In my dispatch 74 I have given the special personal and family reasons why Minister Wodehouse wishes the Hawaiian monarchy restored and American ascendancy here weakened. Annexation alone will put an end to these ultra British intrigues and give Hawaii responsible government and great prosperity. I am, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. ___________ No. 91.] Mr. Stevens to Mr. Gresham. [Confidential.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, March 7, 1893. SIR: By the American newspapers it appears, and I have the information from other sources, that a Mr. E. C. Macfarlane is in Washington, professing to be an ardent American, sometimes claiming to be an annexationist, but avows himself hostile to the Hawaiian Provisional Government and to the course of the Hawaiian commissioners. It is proper for me to inform the Department of State that this man is one of the firm of George Macfarlane & Co., referred to by my predecessor here, Minister Merrill, in his dispatch 78, to Secretary Bayard, of September 2, 1886, page 558 of printed volume of diplomatic documents. Again, the minister refers to the same firm in his dispatch 138, of August 2, 1887, page 832, printed volume, by which it is seen that the firm was a party to defrauding the Hawaiian Government of more than $100,000 in negotiating a loan with a London house. For years this firm has been ultra English in its political affiliations and mercantile plans. A few months since this E. C. Macfarlane, by intrigues and associations became one of the recent Queen's ministers, minister of finance. So unsatisfactory was he to all the best members of the Legislature and to the business men of the Islands, that he remained in the ministry but a few days, being voted out by the Legislature though the English minister, openly and by personal effort, and his wife more conspicuously in the legislative hall, worked to retain him. After Macfarlane was voted out, the English minister used the former as a go-between to the Queen to get her to appoint another pro-English cabinet, but the effort failed. This E. C. Macfarlane is referred to in my 70 and 71. This is the man who sought to get access to President Cleveland, at Lakewood, according to the New York and Washington papers, and is now posing as an American and is said to be asking a 415 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. hearing at Washington. He and his brother were born here of Scotch parentage, and E. C. lived several years in California. But American interests here have no more unrelenting foe than this liquor-importing house of G. W. Macfarlane & Co. E. C. Macfarlane is a fitting confederate in Washington, as he has been in Honolulu, with Paul Neuman, the deposed Queen's attorney, whose character is described in my dispatch 81 of January 26. I am, sir, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. _____________ Mr. Gresham to Mr. Stevens. No. 79.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, March 10, 1893. SIR: I append a copy of a telegram* received on 8th instant, over your signature. I am, etc., W. Q. GRESHAM. _________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Gresham. No. 92.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, March 15, 1893. SIR: That the Department of State may fully understand the present status of affairs here, it is necessary for me to state as accurately as possible the practical working of the qualified and restricted protectorate which the United States officials are exercising here. We have never understood this practically to allow us to go much, if any, beyond the spirit and terms of Secretary Bayard's dispatch to Minister Merrill of July 12, 1887, in printed volume of Foreign Relations of that year, page 581, and both the Provisional Government and myself have ever construed it as strictly within the limitations specified in Secretary Foster's dispatch 71 of February 11, 1893, fully understanding that the United States representatives here shall not interfere with the sovereignty nor with the administration of the public affairs of these islands. This restricted protectorate has proved more necessary and beneficial than was fully perceived when assumed. When the Hawaiian monarchy collapsed and the Provisional Government was instituted, there were corruptions and abuses wherever the palace power had exercised predominating influence in the selection of officials. Time was necessary for the eradication of these evils, for the creation of a reliable police, and for the organization and drilling of a small military force. Besides the English minister, for reasons indicated in previous dispatches, was bitterly dissatisfied that I had acted independently of him, landing the men of the Boston when they were imperatively needed, while there was then no British vessel here. According to what was anticipated might occur, not long after our restricted protectorate was assumed the British war ship Garnet arrived. It was then too late for the English minister to make effective any demand to land troops or to insist on dual action with the United States minister. Still more, the Japanese commissioner arrive here but a short time before the fall of the monarchy, and not fully understanding the situation, began to manifest a wish to land men from the Japanese _________________________________________________________________________________ *See under date of March 8, 1893. 416 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. war vessel in the harbor, and telegraphed Tokio via San Francisco, two days after the fall of the monarchy, for another war vessel, and February 23, as previously stated in my dispatch 88, one of the largest ships of the Japanese navy arrived here. But it was then too late for the intrigues and pressure of the English minister and the arrival of the increased Japanese naval force to intervene. It was found that the prompt American action had given so much moral support to the new Hawaiian Government that neither the Government nor the United States officials here would consent to any temporary dual or tripartite arrangement as to Hawaiian affairs. Yesterday, the 14th, the British ship Garnet left for Vancouver, and to-day or to-morrow the Kongo , the smallest Japanese ship, will leave for Japan. There is no doubt that but for our protectorate, restricted as it is, the British minister would have insisted on the same right to land troops that he had formerly exercised here, while our action of February 1 and of the days preceding closed the door against complications, saved the Provisional Government from foreign pressure, leaving the United States complete master of the situation. The Japanese commissioner and naval commanders now fully recognize the Provisional Government by official and ceremonial calls, and their attitude toward this legation and our naval commanders here appear to be cordial. But I have learned positively and beyond all doubt that had not the monarchy here fallen and this Government had remained its former condition of weakness, it was the intention of the newly arrived Japanese commissioner to have demanded the same political rights in Hawaii, including the voting franchise for Japanese, as, under the constitution of 1887, have been exercised by resident foreigners of Christian nations. I am equally convinced that with annexation to the United States the Japanese Government will attempt no pressure of this kind, that Government fully understanding that the United States is a reliable friend of Japan and that the Japanese subjects in these islands will be well protected should Hawaii come fully under the rule of the United States. While I say this I shall be allowed to express the opinion that there is occasion for keeping a sharp eye on Tokyo and British and perhaps other foreign intrigues there against our plans of predominance in the North Pacific. I am, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. _________________ Mr. Stevens to Mr. Gresham. No. 93] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, March 24, 1893. SIR: In my previous dispatches I have given some facts and surmises regarding Japanese ambitions as to these islands. I presume the Department of State has knowledge of the elaborate article of Sir Edward Arnold in the London Telegraph of February 24, strongly anti-American and favoring the surrender of Hawaii to Japanese predominance and protection. By residence in Japan, as well as by some previously acquired taste of Calcutta and Hindostan life, Arnold seems to accept readily Japanese morals and civilization, warmly flatters the easily susceptible vanity of the Japanese, the real Frenchmen of Asia. My only reason for referring to Sir Edward Arnold and his copyrighted London article is because of certain Japanese indications in this neighborhood. 417 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. How far these indications have substantial basis in Tokyo of course I am unable to say. It is reasonable to presume that this Japanese interest in Hawaiian affairs is cherished and pushed forward by at least one of the political eliques in the Japanese capital. The sudden coming here of the Naniwa , a powerful iron clad, at the telegraphic call of the Japanese diplomatic agent here, though the Kongo, a Japanese war ship of 2, 200 tons, was then here, indicates some sensitive spring of action at Tokyo. Just before the fall of the Queen, the Japanese commissioner had positively indicated to me his purpose to press on the Hawaiian Government the demand for the amendment of the Hawaiian constitution so as to give the Japanese in the islands the same right of suffrage enjoyed by European and American foreigners and Hawaiians. He was to demand this in virtue of stipulations which he regarded to be in a Japanese treaty with Hawaii secured under the old Hawaiian regime prior to the adoption of the reform constitution of 1887. There is every reason to believe that had not the United States flag been raised over the Hawaiian Government building, and American protection thus secured, it was the intention of the Japanese Commissioner to have demanded and asserted the right of landing Japanese forces from the Naniwa and the Kongo, and thus to have placed Japanese officials here on equal footing with the representatives of the United States, thus establishing a dual arrangement and protection in Hawaiian affairs. But when the Naniwa arrived here February 23 our action of February 1 raising the flag over the Government building had completely closed the door, and the Japanese commissioner and naval commander saw it would not do to encroach on ground covered by United States protection. Of course, the only hope of the Japanese jingo to carry out the suffrage scheme would be in the restoration of the Queen, who is ready secretly to promise anything for Japanese help in her monarchical design. Lately I have had several interviews with the Japanese commissioner of a friendly character. I have reminded him of the long-existing friendship and good relations between Japan and the United States, and why those relations are likely to exist in the future. I called his attention to and explained our many years of special relations to and interest in these islands, and gave him to understand that we would view any encroachment on the sovereignty and soil of Hawaii by a foreign power much the same as an encroachment on the soil and rights of the United States. I assured him that in case annexation should become a fact we should strictly protect the life, property, and interests of all residents of the islands. I approached this point with so much caution and with such friendly words that I am confident he appreciated the weight of my reasons and the kindly vigor with which I stated them. Since these interviews with the Japanese commissioner I have learned of his saying to one of the principal men of the Provisional Government that he thinks it does not matter much who control the islands provided that the laws were well enforced and the life and property of the residents well secured. Apparently at this writing the Japanese commissioner is more responsive to the wishes and purposes of the United States representatives here than to those of any other power. Yet I can but regard it all important for us to hold our position on shore firmly, especially so long as the Naniwa remains in Hawaiian waters. There is no doubt that the foreign adventurers here, especially the lottery and opium rings that drew the Queen to her overthrow, will do F R 94---APP II-----27 418 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. their utmost to seduce the Japanese officials by stimulating their animosities and aspirations. Among these adventurers are well known here to be Paul Neuman, the fallen Queen's attorney, now or recently in Washington. He is in the paid employ of the Tokyo contract labor importing ring, who for years have been bleeding the Hawaiian planters and the Japanese laborers out of large sums of money. There are the best reasons for the belief that this Tokyo ring and their co-partners here are opposing annexation because they believe that American possession will put an end to their corrupt work and large gains. Careful inquiry leads to the conclusion that this Tokyo ring, aided by Englishmen and others like Sir Edward Arnold, are stimulating Japanese ambitions and interference here. Highly-placed Englishmen will do this, because they prefer Japanese influence should predominate rather than American. Annexation would end forever all schemes of this kind. Certain it is that at present it would be risking too much to withdraw our protecting flag and armed marines from Honolulu until this Japanese menace shall have completely terminated and the unscrupulous ring of foreign adventurers can no longer make use of it as an agency of reaction and misrule. All friends of the United States in these islands, and none more keenly than the Provisional Government, appreciate this, and are anxious for the continued support and protection of the United States. Had I failed to give to the Department of State the information and suggestions contained in this dispatch, I would have keenly realized that I had failed of my duty as an American minister at this important juncture of Hawaiian affairs. I am, sir, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. NOTE.---I have in the above and a preceding dispatch spoken of the presence here of the Japanese war ship, the Kongo . While in these waters that ship made a visit to Hilo early in March. While at Hilo the conversation related in the inclosed paper took place on board that ship, which may be read in connection with my accompanying dispatch 93. I also inclose printed slips of the Honolulu Advertizer, the chief newspaper on the islands, strongly American in its views and sentiments: Copy of language used by the captain of the Japanese war ship Kongo while in the harbor of Hilo, March 5 or 6. INTERVIEW OF JAPANESE INTERPRETER. I have just had a long talk with Mr. LeRoy, the Japanese interpreter for the Hilo district. He was the only one who had a talk with the captain of the Kongo during her presence in the harbor, and I quote his own language. "Sunday afternoon when the Kongo arrived the surgeon of the ship called upon me and asked about the health of the port. I referred him to Dr. Williams, the Government physician, and then he handed me a sealed letter; upon the upper corner of the envelope were the words 'official business.' "Upon opening it I found a communication from the captain of the Kongo, who asked me to visit the ship the next day. I accepted, and Monday afternoon went on board. The captain took me into his cabin, away from the others, and, after a few introductory remarks, he said: "'What is the sentiment of the Japanese on the islands? Do they not side with the natives?' I assured him that such did not seem to be the case. "'In case,' he continued, 'that there should be trouble, would they not bear arms with the Hawaiians?' "This question rather puzzled me, but I told him I did not think so. "He went over the same ground several times, and, from what he said, I am convinced he was not pleased with the attitude the Japanese had taken. 419 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. "I then asked him what the Kongo had come to Hilo for, and he replied, "To protect the rights of Japanese,' "'How so?' "'Well, there are many ways.' I asked him if he intended to take any definite action. 'No," said he, 'I must consult with the captain of the Naniwa . I have to consult with him at Honolulu.' I then referred to the appearance of the U. S. S. Alliance. He shrugged his shoulders, and I said, 'I suppose she came to watch us; but she is a wooden tub, anyway." ___________ Stevens to Mr. Gresham. No. 94.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Honolulu, April 4, 1893. SIR: Your dispatch of March 11 was placed in my hands by Special Commissioner Hon. James H. Blount. So long as I remain in service here I shall endeavor faithfully to carry out the instructions of the Secretary of State. The presence of the men from the U. S. S. Boston on shore from January 16 to April 1 had a remarkably beneficial influence on public affairs in the islands, safeguarding American life and property and encouraging the elements of public order. When the Hawaiian monarchy fell under the weight of its astounding corruptions and by its own suicidal hand, there remained here no reliable organized police, and there was no military force in all the islands with a population of nearly 100,000. The supporters of the Provisional Government having had little or no military experience, an organized military force could not be created at once. Time was absolutely necessary. The presence of the few United States soldiers with their country's flag was of incalcuable importance to the only existing and only possible government for Hawaii. When the men of the Boston went to their ship, April 1 the Provisional Government had at its command a military force of 400 men--the most effective ever known in the islands--and an organized police with a tried and efficient man at the head. The remarkable change accomplished in seventy-five days had been without the loss of life or the destruction of property. Had the United States minister and the naval commander not acted as they did they would have deserved prompt removal from their places and the just censure of the friends of humanity and of civilization. The general aspect of Hawaiian affairs at this time is highly encouraging. The Provisional Government is gaining in public confidence and popular support. There is complete good order throughout the islands. The present government is supported by all the more responsible citizens and by seven-eights of the property of the country. By all the best citizens it is regarded the best government the islands have had for many years. The friends of annexation continue to increase and now include all the supporters of the Provisional Government, the principal property holders, and a large number of native Hawaiians. With my family I intend to leave Honolulu for our home in Maine in the steamer of May 24. Unless otherwise directed, I will leave the archives, books, and other property of the legation in care of Hon. H. W. Severance, the consul-general. Owing to the advanced years and imperfect health of Mrs. Stevens and myself, it will be necessary for us to have repeated stopping for rest on our long journey, though we expect to make our home transit inside of the thirty-five days allowed by law. I am, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. 420 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Gresham to Mr. Stevens. No. 81.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, April 18, 1893. SIR: I have received your No. 92, of the 15th ultimo, relative to the Provisional Government recently established in Hawaii, and the attitude of the British and Japanese representatives with respect thereto. I am, etc., W. Q. GRESHAM. _____________ Mr. Gresham to Mr. Stevens. [Telegram.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, April 25, 1893. In view of your tender of resignation dated March 7 and of your dispatch 94 of April 4, I am directed by the President to inform you that your resignation is accepted. You are therefore authorized to quit your post at your early convenience, leaving the archives and property of, the legation in custody of Consul-General Severance without diplomatic functions. GRESHAM. ___________ Mr. Adee to Mr. Stevens. No. 82.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, April 27, 1893. SIR: I have received your dispatches numbered 89 and 94, of 7th ultimo and 4th instant, and with reference thereto append a copy of a telegram* of 25th instant accepting your resignation. I am, etc., ALVEY A. ADEE, Acting Secretary. *See under date of April 25, 1893. _______________ Mr. Gresham to Mr. Stevens. No. 83.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, May 4, 1893. SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your No. 93, of the 24th March last, and the newspaper extracts therewith, concerning rumors and reports of a desire on the part of Japan to improve its footing in the Hawaiian Islands. I am, etc., W. Q. GRESHAM. 421 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Stevens to Mr. Gresham. No. 96.] UNITED STATES LEGATION, Honolulu, May 18, 1893. SIR: Agreeably to your instructions I have turned over the archives and other property of the legation to Hon. James G. Blount, my successor as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States. Herewith is inclosed his receipt for the same. A duplicate copy I leave at the legation. I leave here with my family and the remains of my deceased daughter May 24. Had it been possible to have secured proper steamer accommodations we would have left Honolulu ten days earlier, though that would have been several days prior to your dispatch directing me to place the legation in charge of Mr. Blount. I am, sir, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS. _________ Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresham. No. 1.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, May 24, 1893. SIR: I received by the Australia arriving here on the 17th instant two telegrams from you, dated on the 9th instant, forwarded through W. A. Cooper, United States Dispatch agent at San Francisco. I regret very much that it was found necessary to appoint me as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the Hawaiian Islands. On the afternoon of the former date I took the oath of office--which I inclose herewith--and have taken charge of the records and property of the legation. I have done so because I supposed from the circumstance that I was appointed against a declaration on my part to you in Washington that I could not accept it, that some important reason, not contained in the telegram, made it desirable to the President and yourself that Mr. Stevens' connection with the legation should be promptly severed. I inclose herewith my resignation of the office, with the request that it be accepted, and my successor appointed as soon as practicable. I am, sir, your obedient servant, JAMES H. BLOUNT. ____________ [Inclosure 2 in No. 1.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, May 24, 1893. SIR: I herewith tender my resignation of the office of Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States to the Hawaiian Islands, to take effect on your acceptance thereof. With profound admiration for you officially and personally, I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, JAMES H. BLOUNT, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary. His Excellency GROVER CLEVELAND, President of the United States of America. 422 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresham. No. 2.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, May 24, 1893. SIR: The letters of Mr. Nordhoff to the New York Herald, on the situation of affairs in the Hawaiian Islands, have produced intense resentment in the minds of American residents and of white annexationists generally here. On the 21st instant Dr. J. C. McGrew, who claims to be an American citizen, and who is a leading member of the Annexation Club, and the editor in chief of the Hawaiian Star, which belongs to the Annexation Club and is a quasi official organ of the Government, reported to Admiral Skerrett that there had been quite an excitement all day long amongst persons who were offended by Mr. Nordhoff's letters, and that he had scarcely been able to restrain them from insulting Mr. Nordhoff by applying to him a coat of tar and feathers. I immediately addressed a note to Mr. Dole, a copy of which I inclose herewith. (Inclosure No. 1.) Later in the day Dr. McGrew informed Admiral Skerrett that there would be no effort to tar and feather Mr. Nordhoff, but that proceedings would be taken the next day in court against him. The following day brought no answer from President Dole to my communication. In the afternoon of the 22d instant, a paper was served upon Mr. Nordhoff--a copy of which I inclose. The assertion of a power under the color of law to hold Mr. Nordhoff responsible for the publication of his letters in the New York Herald being regarded as without warrant of authority and in violation of his rights as an American citizen, I determined immediately to communicate to the Government a denial of their right to proceed against him on account of said publication. Desiring to avoid any semblance of too great readiness to enter into a controversy with the Hawaiian Government over this matter, I went to see President Dole, and called attention to the action of the attorney-general and informed him that the Government of the United States would not submit to the exercise of such a prerogative on the part of the Hawaiian Government; that I deemed it proper to hold a conversation with him, hoping to avoid thereby any official correspondence which might produce acerbity or the slightest estrangement. He replied that he was very much obliged to me for having taken such a course, and that the question raised would be examined and the conclusions reached communicated to me. He than referred to my letter, saying that he would have answered it, but supposed that it was intended simply to give him notice of the facts stated. I replied that I regretted he had not seen fit to give me any information concerning the matter in writing in order that the same might be forwarded to the Government of the United States; that I hoped the additional subject of controversy, to which I invited his attention, would be adjusted in a manner consistent with the honor of the United States, and so speedily that I might be able to communicate this also to the home Government. After some conversation on this subject he informed me that the advisory council had requested Mr. Nordhoff to come before it, and asked me if I thought he would come, as it was only a request. To this I answered, "I presume not. Whatever information Mr. Nordhoff may have obtained carried with it an obligation of privacy, which I do not believe he would violate." 423 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. All this occurred on the street, and as we were about to part, I said to him that I should call on Mr. Nordhoff, and let him know the status of the affair; that I felt it my duty to give him such assurances as would conduce to his sense of security. To this he responded: "I have taken precautions against any violence being done to him, although I do not think he is in any danger." I immediately sent to Mr. Nordhoff's house and was at first prevented from entering the yard by two policemen. I am persuaded, however, that this was an unintentional error on their part and not in pursuance of their instructions. In conversation with Mr. Nordhoff he told me he had been summoned before the advisory council. On reaching him I found the document, a copy of which I inclose herewith (No. 3). It had very little the appearance to my mind of a request. On the 23d I had Mr. Nordhoff come to the legation headquarters at 9 o'clock, and requested him to remain there until I should return from the Government building where I was about to proceed to make formal announcement of my appointment as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary. I do not deem it necessary to report the speech of myself or President Dole, but simply to say that they contained those manifestations of friendship usually occurring on such occasions between friendly powers. After this ceremony was over President Dole expressed a desire to speak with me on the subject of the legal proceedings instituted by the attorney-general against Mr. Nordhoff, and likewise the action of the advisory council and my verbal complaint in relation thereto. He began by desiring an appointment with me sometime during the day in consideration of the subject by the law officers of the Government. I said that I hoped it would be disposed of as promptly as possible; and that I had foreborne any written communication on the subject in the interest of good will between the two countries; that unless the matter was disposed of speedily I must address him a communication. He asked me if Mr. Nordhoff would go before the council and make an apology? To this I responded that I did not think he would; that I could not advise him to such a course; that after denunciation by the "Star," the Annexation Club organ, threats of insult by tarring and feathering, proceedings instituted by the attorney-general in the local courts, and the action of the advisory council, such an apology would have the appearance of compulsion, to which I was not willing to see an American citizen subjected. At this hour (10:40) I am awaiting a communication from the Government. To avoid any additional complications I have advised Mr. Nordhoff to remain at the legation. At 2:10 p.m. a communication was received from President Dole, through his secretary, a copy of which I inclose herewith (No. 4). Whereupon Mr. Nordhoff left the legation for his residence. At 4:30 p. m. of the same day, the 23d instant, not hearing anything from President Dole, I sent my secretary, Mr. Mills, to inquire whether he would call during the day, and if so, at what time? He sent me a verbal message by Mr.. Mills to the effect that he was not under the impression that he was to have any further conversation with me, having had one at the Government building. Of course this was a misunderstanding between us. He further stated that the advisory council had referred the subject to the attorney-general, to inquire 424 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. whether any civil or criminal proceedings would be taken against Mr. Nordhoff. Thereupon I determined to forward to him a letter (a copy of which I inclose, No. 5), which I had written on yesterday afternoon, but had withheld it, hoping for a speedy adjustment of the difference without its being placed in writing. I recognize the obligation of an American citizen residing in a foreign country to obey its laws. It has appeared to me that the doctrine laid down by Mr. Bayard in the case of A. K. Cutting, September 9, 1885, is applicable to the pending case. If this be true then the issue may as rightfully be made before the consideration of the cause as subsequent thereto. Yesterday afternoon the Hon. John L. Stevens called to see me. He was exceedingly bitter against Mr. Nordhoff--charging him with treasonable conduct and displaying the most eager interest in the matter of the action of the Hawaiian Government against him. Amongst other things he alleged that Mr. Nordhoff had been conspiring with the royalists to overthrow the Provisional Government, and that the Government had the evidence against him in black and white. I asked him how this came to his knowledge? He replied, "Well, I have it, anyhow; and they ought to have it." I very much fear that his relations to the people here, and his bitter feeling against Mr. Nordhoff, has contributed to produce an abnormal excitement against the latter. I believe the situation was such as made it necessary for me to promptly act in the manner related. The objectionable correspondence heretofore referred to was published in the Daily Bulletin. So far as I know it is not claimed by the authorities here that Mr. Nordhoff had anything to do with its publication. I inclose herewith a copy of a communication from him (No. 6). I expect that action will be taken requiring Mr. Nordhoff to leave the country. Should this occur I shall not deem it my duty to make objection. I am, etc., JAMES M. BLOUNT, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States. _________ [Inclosure 1 in No. 2.] HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, May 21, 1893. SIR: I beg your attention to the following statement from Admiral Skerrett: "I was informed to-day upon reliable authority--the authority being Dr. J. S. McGrew--that some exasperated citizens of Honolulu had taken great offense at the wording of a letter supposed to have been written by Mr. Nordhoff, a United States citizen, and newspaper correspondent of the New York Herald, which statement that he had received from certain persons in Honolulu, he communicated to his paper. Threats have been made with regard to his possible maltreatment, such threats being tar and feathering, and other things." Mr. Nordhoff being an eminent citizen of the United States, I deem it proper to call your attention to this matter. Very respectfully, JAMES H. BLOUNT, United States Special Commissioner. Hon. S. B. DOLE, Minister of Foreign Affairs. 425 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. [Inclosure 2 in No. 2.] DEPARTMENT OF THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL, Honolulu, May 22, 1893. SIR: The inclosed statement, which you have caused to be published in the New York Herald, and which has been republished in the Honolulu Bulletin; is known by this Government to be false, and is regarded as malicious and libelous. Unless you retract the same at once, and give the retraction equal publicity with the libel, proceedings will be instituted against you. I have, etc., WILLIAM O. SMITH, Attorney-General. Mr. CHARLES NORDHOFF. MINISTER STEVENS' INTRIGUE. Minister Stevens has been engaged all the last week in an intrigue having for its object to alarm the Queen and cause her to abdicate. Mr. Dole, head of the Provisional Government, has been, it is understood, working with the American minister at this enterprise, and reports have been set afloat that President Cleveland wishes her to make a cession of the islands to the United States; that Commissioner Blount would be pleased if she did; that Mr. Blount is going away soon; that he intends to land troops again and hoist the American flag; that he is unhappy over the situation; that he is afraid to leave here even to visit some of the other islands without first putting an American garrison in possession of Honolulu, and so forth. ________ [Inclosure 3 in No. 2.] IN THE NAME OF THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS; To the Marshal of the Hawaiian Islands, or his deputy on the Island of Oahu greeting: Whereas, by a resolution of the executive and advisory councils adopted on the 22d day of May, A. D. 1893, a copy of which is as follows: "Whereas the following statement, among others, has been published in the Daily Bulletin in a letter purporting to have been written by Mr. Charles Nordhoff, viz: "SHREWD LOTTERY MEN. "It is not necessary to give more names. A good many retail merchants, grocers, clothing sellers, etc., are on the lottery petitions, and I am told the labor union men, now all annexationists, went in almost in a body for the lottery, as well as most of the members of the Provisional Assembly." And whereas said statement, as far as it applies to the Provisional Assembly, is wholly false. Resolved, That said Charles Nordhoff be cited to appear before this assembly on Tuesday, May 23, A. D. 1893, at 11 o'clock a. m., to show upon what authority he has based such assertions. It was voted that Charles Nordhoff be cited to appear before said Assembly on Tuesday, the 23d of May instant, at 11 o'clock a. m., to show upon what authority he based his said assertion. Now, therefore, you are commanded to cite said Charles Nordhoff, if he can be found within your jurisdiction, to appear before the executive and advisory councils of the Provisional Government, at the Council Chamber in Honolulu, on Tuesday, the 23d day of May, A. D. 1893, at 11 o'clock a. m., to answer to such complaint as may be made against him. Witness: Hon. Sanford B. Dole, President of the executive and advisory councils of the Provisional Government at Honolulu, this 23d day of May, A. D. 1893. CHARLES T. ROGERS, Secretary Executive and Advisory Councils. HONOLULU, OAHU, Hawaiian Islands, May 22, 1893. I hereby certify the within to be a true and correct copy of the original in re the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands vs. Charles Nordhoff, citation to be and appear before the executive and advisory councils of the said Provisional Government. C. G. HITCHCOCK, Marshal, Hawaiian Islands 426 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. [Inclosure 4 in No. 2.] DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, May 23, 1893. SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your excellency's letter a, United States Special Commissioner of the 21st instant, calling my attention to a statement by Rear Admiral Skerritt, that threats had been made by exasperated citizens of Honolulu of maltreatment of Mr. Charles Nordhoff, a citizen of the United states and the correspondent of the New York Herald. In reply I beg to express regret that any such violence as your letter suggests has been threatened Mr. Nordhoff, and have called the attention of the proper authorities of the Government to the matter, and have taken steps for his protection against any violence whatever during his residence here. With sentiments of the highest regard and esteem, I have the honor to be, sir, your excellency's obedient servant, SANFORD B. DOLE, Minister of Foreign Affairs. His Excellency JAMES H. BLOUNT, United States Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Honolulu. _______ [Inclosure 5 in No. 2.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Honolulu, May 22, 1893. SIR: I have been handed the following communication from Mr. Charles Nordhoff. (See inclosure No. 2, Attorney-General W. O. Smith to Mr. Nordhoff.) The New York Herald is a paper not published in the Hawaiian Islands, and the proposition that the Government thereof can take jurisdiction of the author of the article aforesaid on account of its publication in the United States is wholly inadmissible. It is equivalent to asserting that the Hawaiian Government can take jurisdiction over the authors of the various criticisms of political affairs in the Hawaiian Islands which appear in the newspapers of the United States. To an assumption of such jurisdiction by the Hawaiian Government the Government of the United States will not submit. It will not permit that this prerogative shall be in any degree usurped by the Hawaiian Government, nor will it permit a citizen of the United States to be called to account by the Hawaiian Government for acts done within the boundaries of the United States. On this ground I insist that no procedings shall be taken against Mr. Nordhoff such as are indicated in the letter signed W. O. Smith, Attorney-General. Since writing the foregoing. I find the following paper has been served on Mr. Nordhoff. (See inclosure No. 3.--"In the name of the Provisional Government, etc.") Permit me to say that in my judgment this, and the foregoing proceeding, under the color of law, is a violation of the rights of Mr. Nordhoff as an American citizen. When I remember how on the 16th of January last, at the request of your leading citizens, American troops were landed and brought quiet to the homes of the people of this city, it is passing strange to me to find an eminent citizen of the United States subjected to such outrage at the hands of the Provisional Government of these Islands. I can but hope that this action will be, on reconsideration, repudiated. While I desire to promote the kindliest feelings between your Government and mine, I shall not forget that one of the proudest reflections of the American people is their disposition and ability to protect an American citizen throughout the civilized world. I am, etc., JAMES H. BLOUNT, E. E. and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States. Hon. SANFORD B. DOLE, President, etc., of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands. _________ [Inclosure 6 in No. 2.] HONOLULU, May 23, 1893. DEAR SIR: In reply to your question I say that the publication in the Bulletin of my letters to the New York Herald was without my knowledge and consent; that is to say, I knew nothing at all about it. Yours, truly, CHARLES NORDHOFF. His excellency JAMES H. BLOUNT, Minister of the United States. 427 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresham. No. 3.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, May 29, 1893. SIR: Just before the leaving of the Australia, on the 24th instant, there came to me, too late for mailing to you, a communication from President Dole, a copy of which I inclose (No. 1). At this date (May 29) nothing further has been heard. I suggested to President Dole and the attorney-general, in conversations with them, that if Mr. Nordhoff was so obnoxious they might possibly require him to leave the country. This did not seem to impress them favorably. Indeed, the whole proceeding in relation to him seems to have been animated by the spirit of crushing out all opposing opinions by forceful methods. I do not expect the Government to recur to this matter again until a mail from the United States brings some letter to the Herald from Mr. Nordhoff, criticising the action of the annexationists. Then I expect it to be very much stirred again with anger toward him. The action I have already taken will restrain it from excesses. The Hawaiian Star, which is the annexation organ, commenting on the stay of proceedings against Mr. Nordhoff, published an editorial entitled "The Cutting Precedent," a copy of which I inclose herewith. (No. 2.) I also inclose another comment from the same paper, entitled "The Farce of Protection" (No. 3.) The editor-in-chief of this paper, prior to my taking any notice of the temper of the community towards Mr. Nordhoff, went to Admiral Skerrett late in the afternoon and informed him that he had been all day endeavoring to prevent the people from tarring and feathering Mr. Nordhoff; that up to that time he had been able to prevent it, and called on Admiral Skerrett to do what he could with the same view. Admiral Skerrett communicating the facts to me I communicated them to President Dole. On his motion he sent the police to Mr. Nordhoff's house. The situation, therefore, will appear somewhat graver than in my former dispatch, in which the statement of Admiral Skerrett was not as full as herein contained. I hope you will not underrate the excitement which prompted all my actions in regard to Mr. Nordhoff. I am, sir, your obedient servant, JAMES H. BLOUNT, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States. ________ [Inclosure 1 in No. 3, Diplomatic Series.] DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, Honolulu, May 24, 1893. SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge receipt of your letter of the 22d instant elating to Mr. Nordhoff, and to state in reply that upon full consideration of the questions involved this Government has decided to take no criminal proceedings against Mr. Nordhoff for what was suggested as contempt against the advisory council of this Government. In respect of the matters referred to in the attorney-general's letter to Mr. Nordhoff, this Government does not propose to take any proceedings in contravention of the view of international law expressed by the United States Government in the Cutting case; but there is apparently this distinction to be noted in the two matters, viz, That Mr. Cutting was in the United States when he made the publication 428 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. objected to by the Mexican Government, whereas Mr. Nordhoff, while in the Hawaiian Islands and under the jurisdiction of its courts, has written articles defamatory of this Government, which were published in the United States in a newspaper which is freely circulated in the Hawaiian Islands, and which articles have been republished here. I beg to inform you that this Government will rigidly adhere to the rules of international law in respect of this matter as in all other matters, and in that view has referred to its law advisers the question of Mr. Nordhoff's civil liability in the premises. I have the honor to be Your Excellency's obedient servant, SANFORD B. DOLE, Minister of Foreign Affairs. To His Excellency J. H. BLOUNT, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at Honolulu. _______ [Inclosure 2 in No. 3.] [From the Hawaiian Star, May 24, 1893.] THE CUTTING PRECEDENT. The Cutting case, which was cited by United States Minister Blount in behalf of Charles Nordhoff, is a well-remembered episode in the criminal practice of international law. Mr. Cutting was a citizen of the United States, who lived at Juarez, formerly Paso del Norte, on the Mexican side of the Rio Grande border. At outs with an official of the Mexican Government, he assaulted him bitterly in a paper published on the Texas side of the line at El Paso, for which offense he was arrested by the Mexican authorities and thrust into jail. The American Secretary of State thereupon demanded and enforced his release on the ground that a citizen of the United States could not be criminally punished by the Government of a foreign country for a libelous publication made on American soil, holding that the injured party must seek redress in the courts within the jurisdiction of which the offense of publication had been committed. such a rule as this would, for example, apply to George Kennan, author of the Century papers on Siberia, in case he should, upon another visit to Russia, be criminally prosecuted by the Czar for the libels which the Russian Government claim he committed in his accounts of official cruelties practiced upon Siberian convicts. The Imperial Government would doubtless be informed by the American Foreign Office that its only remedy--except the deportation of Mr. Kennan as an undesirable visitor--lay in his prosecution in the courts of the United States and before a jury of his peers. No doubt in Mr. Kennan's case the validity of this argument would be as promptly admitted by Russia as it was when applied a year ago to Poultney Bigelow and Frederick Remington, who went into the Empire on a mission similar to that of Kennan, but were arrested for it and expelled from the country. That they would have been otherwise punished but for the force of the international rule laid down in the Cutting case can hardly be doubted by any one who is familiar with the tendencies of the Czar towards those who write, speak, or act against his mode of government. Mr. Nordhoff is of course fortunate that by appeal to American precedent he has escaped another humiliation; but that fact does not alter the circumstances that, morally speaking, and in a way amenable to civil damages, he libeled Minister Stevens and President Dole and deserved the punishment which Hawaiian criminal law would have been likely to inflict upon him. His guilt is patent, though the consequences of it may have been avoided. The only gratification he can feel is that of an apprehended miscreant who escapes his deserts through a merely technical plea against the jurisdiction of the judge. ________ [Inclosure 3 in No. 3, Diplomatic Series.] [From the Hawaiian Star, May 23, 1893.] THE FARCE OF PROTECTION. A broad smile of amusement went across the face of the town last evening, when it was learned that Mr. Nordhoff had applied for protection to the United States minister, and that, at the request of the latter, the Provisional Government had detailed 429 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. two native policemen to guard the Herald correspondent's lodgings. In view of the fact that Mr. Nordhoff is as safe in Honolulu as he could be at his sequestered home on Coronado Beach, the whole episode becomes a tax upon the risibles. Careful inquiry shows that the only basis for the Herald man's fears--apart from that conscience which, as the poet says, "Doth make cowards of us all"--was a stray remark here and there that he ought to be tarred and feathered. As Mr. Nordhoff is well aware, such talk is often heard in times of political debate, and is but the smallest of small change in the circulation of public opinion. It is the coinage of idle chat merely; in this case particularly so, as the annexation party is standing on its dignity as a representative Hawaiian body, asking admission to the American brotherhood on the ground, among other grounds, that in civilization, Christianity, and moral purpose it is worthy of the fellowship. It could not be induced to do or permit a ruffianly act, a fact which we believe Mr. Nordhoff himself appreciates as well as anyone else. Why, then, did he ask protection? Wait and see! If he doesn't use the fact that he got it to fill the columns of the Herald with a lurid tale of how he escaped death at the hands of an infuriated annexation mob, only to be saved by the intervention of Minister Blount and the reluctant display of provisional force, then the Star misses a reasonable guess. The two shirt-sleeved native policemen who dawdle about his palace dozing and yawning will doubtless be magnified into a garrison of men in buckram surrounded and besieged by bloodthirsty planters or missionaries all eager to flesh their daggers in the heart of the one bold correspondent who had exposed their foul conspiracies and haled their cause to the bar of public judgment. Life will hardly be worth Mr.. Nordhoff's living until he can get some such phantasmagoria before the Herald's readers, as evidence that all he had previously said against the nature and personnel of the annexation movement is true. In the meantime it is to be hoped that the two native guardians of Mr. Nordhoff's person and peace will manage to keep awake during the drowsy days and soporific nights which envelop the pastoral region of Nuuanu street. _________ Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresham. No. 4.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Honolulu, June 1, 1893. SIR: I send you a communication to-day signed as special commissioner because it relates to the object for which my appointment in that capacity was made. I was sworn in as minister because I believed that some public reason for my temporary appointment influenced it. I could not under the circumstances do otherwise. I now earnestly urge the immediate appointment of some person as my successor. My resignation was forwarded in the form which you have seen because I did not deem it respectful to tender it absolutely when some temporary and public reason might have made it seem improper for me to do so. If you have appointed a good man for consul-general here I do not see why he might not take charge of the affairs of the legation. I am, etc., JAMES H. BLOUNT. __________ Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresham. No. 5.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Honolulu, June 1, 1893. SIR: Last night about 11 o'clock three sticks of giant powder were found, accompanied by some preparation of mercury. Suspicion is rife with royalists and annexationists. 430 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS The place where they were found is near the Barracks. Believing it was intended to blow up the Barracks the soldiers have been removed this morning into the Palace grounds. The mail leaves very soon and I can not get any full or accurate statement. I do not think it indicates any general movement, but rather seems to be confined to a few white persons. I am, etc., JAMES H. BLOUNT. ___________ Mr. Gresham to Mr. Blount. No. 5.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, June 23, 1893. SIR: I transmit for your information a copy of a note of the minister of Hawaii, touching the recall by the Provisional Government of the Commission appointed last January for the purpose of negotiating terms for the union of the Hawaiian Islands with the United States, and announcing his readiness to resume the subject at any convenient time. I am, etc., W. Q. GRESHAM. ____________ Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham. No. 1. ?] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, November 6, 1893. SIR: I beg to inform the Department that I reached San Francisco on the 27th ultimo and sailed the following day, arriving in this city on, Saturday, November 4th, at 9 a.m. On Saturday night I was tendered a serenade by the band of the Provisional Government, which passed off quietly and pleasantly. Having received information through our consul-general, Mr. Mills, that the Royalist party were contemplating a counter serenade and demonstration to-night, I strongly discouraged such action and it has been abandoned. I addressed a note this morning to Hon. Sanford B. Dole, minister of foreign affairs, asking him to designate a convenient time and place when I could present the letters of recall and of credence which I bore, a copy of which I transmit herewith together with his reply, designating 11 o'clock of the forenoon, to-morrow, the 7th instant, as the time for the presentation at the Executive building. I also inclose the remarks which I propose to make upon the occasion referred to, a copy of which I sent to the Provisional Government. Admiral Skerrett and his staff paid me the usual official call at 10 o'clock this morning, which in company with Consul-General Mills I returned this afternoon at 3, receiving from the flagship the customary official courtesies. I afterwards called on Capt. Nelson, commanding the Adams, where I also met with a cordial reception. I send by mail to-morrow per steamship China a cipher telegram, as to the landing from steamship Australia last Saturday, of Winchester 431 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. rifles and ammunition, and the reported intention of the Provisional Government to issue a proclamation establishing a republic, the constitution for which , it is said, has been already prepared by Mr. Hatch, a member of the present cabinet. The city is full of rumors, and the excitement is increasing every hour. I shall, therefore, avail myself of the earliest opportunity, after my credentials are approved, to carry out the instructions of the Department. The next steamer leaving here after to-morrow will be the Australia, which sails on Saturday, the 11th of November, by which time I hope to be able to give you reliable information as to the present attitude of all parties. Mr. Mills has given me active and valuable assistance. I have thus far had no communication with either of the opposing parties, except as herein stated. With sentiments of high regard, I am, etc., ALBERT S. WILLIS. ________ [Inclosure 1 in No. 1.] Mr. Willis to Mr. Dole. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, November 6, 1893. SIR: I have the honor to inform you of my arrival in this city, bearing sealed letters, open official copies whereof are herewith transmitted, addressed by the President of the United States of America to the President of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, recalling Mr. James H. Blount, who has for sometime past resided near your Government in the character of Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, and accrediting the undersigned as his successor. By reason of his having resigned the office while in the United States, Mr. Blount is unable to present in person his letter of recall. In pursuance of my instructions, I respectfully request you to designate a convenient time and place at which I may have the honor of presenting in person such original letters of recall and of credence. With assurances of the most distinguished consideration, I am, etc., ALBERT S. WILLIS. ________ [Inclosure 2 in No. 1.] Mr. Dole to Mr. Willis. DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, November 6, 1893. SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your excellency's communication of this days's date informing me of your arrival in this city and that you are the bearer of sealed letters from the President of the United States of America to the President of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, recalling Mr. James H. Blount, sometime United States Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary at this Capital and accrediting you as his successor, which fact is duly authenticated by the inclosed copies of your excellency's letter of credence, and soliciting that a time and place be designated for the presentation of the original letters of recall and credence. In reply I have the honor to state that it will give me pleasure to designate 11 o'clock of the forenoon to-morrow the 7th instant, as the time for the presentation at the Executive building. I beg your excellency to accept the assurance of the high consideration and esteem with which I have the honor to be, sir, etc., SANFORD B. DOLE, Minister of Foreign Affairs. 432 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. [Inclosure No. 3.] Remarks of Mr. Willis to Mr. Dole. Mr. PRESIDENT: Mr. Blount, the late Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States to your Government, having resigned his office while absent from his post, I have the honor now to present his letter of recall and to express for him his sincere regret that he is unable in person to make known his continued good wishes in behalf of your people and his grateful appreciation of the many courtesies of which, while here, he was the honored recipient. I desire at the same time to place in your hands the letter accrediting me as his successor. In doing this I am directed by the President to give renewed assurances of the friendship, interest, and hearty good will which our Government entertains for you and for the people of this island realm. Aside from our geographical proximity and the consequent preponderating commercial interests which centre here, the present advanced civilization and Christianization of your people, together with your enlightened codes of law, stand to-day beneficial monuments of American zeal, courage, and intelligence. It is not surprising, therefore, that the United States were the first to recognize the independence of the Hawaiian Islands to welcome them into the great family of free. ________ Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham. [Telegram,] HONOLULU, November 6, 1893. Two hundred sixty rifles and ammunition arrived by steamer Saturday. Rumor that Provisional Government will declare for a Republic, with constitution already prepared. WILLIS. ___________ Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham. [Telegram.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Honolulu, November 11, 1893. Report can be sent to Congress on 19th November. ALBERT S. WILLIS. ____________ Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham [Confidential.] No. 2.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Honolulu, November 11, 1893. SIR: On the 7th instant, at 11 o'clock, I presented to the Provisional Government Mr. Blount's letter of recall and the letter accrediting me as his successor. I inclose an extract from the Commercial Advertiser giving an account of the proceedings. The time since then has been occupied with the reception of executive, judicial, and diplomatic representatives of the Provisional and foreign Governments. I have not, therefore, had an opportunity of executing more fully your instructions, nor was fuller action advisable while the excitement was so great. I expect on next Monday morning to have an interview with the Queen which, if satisfactory, will be followed immediately by one with the Provisional Government. I have, therefore, inclosed a telegram to 433 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. your dispatch agent at San Francisco as follows: "Report can be sent to Congress on 19th November," it being my understanding that you desired to have all the facts presented before any decisive action here. The Alameda, the next vessel leaving here after next Monday, will not reach San Francisco until November 23, during which interval it is hoped some definite result may be secured. On the afternoon of the 6th the British minister, Major Wodehouse, called my attention to the following paragraph in the "Hawaiian Star" of the same date: "It would serve the ex-Queen well to pray to her gods that the peril of restoration will never come to her"--which he interpreted to be a threat of assassination, and inquired whether our Government was ready and willing to extend to her its protection. I replied that, without reference to her royal claims, she stood in such relations to the United States that she entitled to and would receive the amplest protection at their hands. As a matter of fact, I had already ascertained that, at present, she did not desire our protection. After next Monday, however, and earlier if necessary, I shall insist on her coming to the legation. Neither side has the vaguest idea, as yet, of the attitude of our Government, and consequently no outbreak has occurred, although every night is filled with rumors. I inclose several extracts from the "Commercial Advertiser" (annexation) morning daily; the "Star" (annexation) evening daily; the "Bulletin" and "Holomua," both evening royalist papers, which will give you the situation here from a newspaper standpoint. The U. S. S. Philadelphia and Adams are connected with Honolulu by telephone, but in the event of riot Admiral Irwin, now in command, has made arrangements for rocket signaling. On Monday next I will, by request, meet a committee of the "American League," which one who claimed to be a member informed me was "six hundred strong, well armed with Winchester rifles, and would never permit the restoration of the Queen." He further intimated that the League had some fear that the Provisional Government "would make concessions and surrender their rights, and if so, they would overthrow it," etc. There is undoubtedly in this Government, as in all governments, a class of reckless, lawless men, who, under the impression that they have the moral support of some of the better class of citizens, may at any moment bring about a serious condition of affairs. Fortunately the men at the head of the Provisional Government are acknowledged by all sides to be of the highest integrity and public spirit, which, combined with the large material interests they represent, will, it is hoped, cause them to stand firmly and successfully for peace and good government. The Japanese consul-general, Mr. Suburo Fujii, has just called to say that his people, who now number nearly one-third of the male population, are very apprehensive of immediate disturbances. He desired to know whether I would advise him to send for a man-of-war. I declined to give him any advice. He then inquired whether his people could expect protection from the United States troops. I told him that if it was his request, and that if his people were nonparticipants in any trouble, that he could probably rely upon the protection of our Government. The American interests here are so extensive and all interests are so close that it is impossible to touch one without involving all. With sentiments of high regard, I am, etc., ALBERT S. WILLIS. F R 94--APP II----28 434 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham. [Telegram.] NOVEMBER 16, 1893. Views of first party so extreme as to require further instructions. WILLIS. ____________ Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham. No. 4.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Honolulu, November 16, 1893. SIR: On last Monday, November 13, I received a call from three gentlemen who said they were a committee representing the "American League." The chairman, Mr. Van Houton, made a speech of welcome, covering substantially the statements contained in the papers which I send herewith. I replied thanking them for their words of welcome and friendship, and stating in very general terms the circumstances under which I came, and saying to them that it was the duty of all Americans, whether at home or abroad, to cooperate in executing the will of their Government when it was declared. After some further remarks as to the desirability of free institutions, provided the people were adapted to them and prepared for the, the committee withdrew. The chairman cam back, after several hours, to inform me that he neglected to state that the "league" was opposed to the restoration of the monarchy. Nothing was said in the conversation as to the status of affairs here or of the instructions of our Government. I mention this as the committee, I am imformed, have placed a different construction on the interview. With high regard, I am, etc., ALBERT S. WILLIS. _________ [Inclosure.] The Committee of the American League to Mr. Willis. HONOLULU, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, November 13, 1893. SIR: As you are doubtless aware, a considerable number of citizens of the United States reside in the Hawaiian Islands. Having a love and veneration for the United States it is but natural that a fraternal feeling should exist among men so far from native land; and being desirous of cultivating these fraternal feelings an organization has been effected, where only citizens of the United States have been admitted to membership. The aims and objects of the organization may be briefly summarized as follows: To bear true allegiance to the United States, and, so far as possible, advance the interests of our native country. To aid and protect the members of the organization, and to assist in all honorable ways the members of the organization in obtaining employment, and advocate the just cause of the members and others owing allegiance to the United States of America. The organization has assumed the name of the American League, and for the better protection of its members has adopted a simple ritual and has a password to be changed as often as necessary. While eligibility to membership is based on United States citizenship, the application must go into the hands of a committee, who investigate as to the qualifications of the candidate, including character and habits, with the object of receiving only those who are reliable and worthy. The members of the league earnestly desire that the Hawaiian Islands should become a part of the United States, and with that object in view the organization 435 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. will support the present Provisional Government of Hawaii, and in all honorable ways aid in accomplishing annexation. Believing that you would desire to know something of the aims and methods of work of the organization this committee was appointed to visit you and give you such information as you desire, and to extend to you cordial greeting. It would afford us pleasure to meet and greet you under the most ordinary circumstances, but, coming as you do as a representative of the President and the people of the United States, and considering the importance of your mission, it affords us peculiar pleasure to give you welcome. Some of our members have resided in Hawaii for many years, while others have come within the last few years and some have arrived within the last year, yet whether we have been away from America a few months or many years; whether native-born citizens of the Union or citizens by adoption, we still venerate and love our country, and will cooperate with you in advancing its best interests and looking out for the welfare of the citizens of the United States, whether they are such from birthright or adoption. If at any time there is an opportunity for us to aid you feel free to command us, and be assured that under all circumstances we desire to make your stay here pleasant to yourself and beneficial to the country that you represent, for it is our common country and in its welfare we are all interested. We have delayed somewhat in calling on you, believing that your official duties and the numerous calls being made would fully occupy your time for the first few days. Again expressing the pleasure it affords us to greet and welcome you, we are, very respectfully, yours, GEO. VAN HOUTEN, JAMES F. HILBUS, JOS. L. CURTIS, Committee American League. ____________ Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham. No. 5.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Honolulu, November 18, 1893. SIR: In the forenoon of last Wednesday, November 15, Hon. S. M. Damon, Minister of Finance, notified me in person that there were rumors of an attack that night or the ensuing night upon the Government building, in consequence of which the regular guard would be increased and one of the volunteer companies would be ordered under arms for the night. On the royalist side apprehensions for the safety of the Queen were expressed. The next day was King Kalakaua's birthday, an event which generally attracts a large crowd here, and is celebrated with various festivities. A concert in honor of the occasion was advertised under the auspices of the native Hawaiians. In view of these facts, I thought it proper in an informal way to make public the fact that there would be no decisive action taken by our Government for three or four weeks, or until I heard from Washington. I also thought it proper, with the private knowledge and consent of all factions, to say that mob violence would not be allowed during this interval. The effect of these announcements was to reassure the people and to stop active military preparations. Many representatives of foreign governments and prominent citizens, officially representing both parties, have called to express their gratification at the result. The excitement has been continuous for so long that the slightest circumstances are magnified, and rumors fill the air, both night and day. It is impossible to exaggerate the unhappy condition of this people, nor can I, in words, picture their pathetic surroundings. Almost every movement is under espionage, the most meaningless expression is 436 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. given an important significance, and speeches are quoted which were never delivered or thought of. In my dispatch No. 4, of November 11, I referred to the visit of a committee from the American League, to whose address I made a brief formal response, not having even the remotest bearing upon the question pending here. In yesterday's Star, a paper whose life began with the so-called revolution, was my alleged reply, which I inclose to you. This is a fair sample of the prevailing spirit of misrepresentation. I inclose, also, an extract from the Pacific Commercial Advertiser, also an annexation organ, upon the same subject. I send this by a sailing vessel which leaves to-day. The next steamer leaves here December 9. The next steamer arriving from San Francisco, the Monowai, due December 23. With high regard, I am, etc., ALBERT S. WILLIS. ________ NEWSPAPER CLIPPINGS. [Hawaiian Star, November 17, 1893.] WILLIS FOR THE FLAG--HIS REPLY TO THE AMERICAN LEAGUE---HE WILL DO NOTHING HERE TO CONFLICT WITH HIS ARDENT AMERICAN PRINCIPLES. The Star has obtained with much difficulty a complete and authentic report of the remarks made by Minister Willis to a delegation of the American League which presented him with a memorial some days ago. After a few words of welcome to his visiting countrymen, he said: "GENTLEMEN: I am an ardent American. I would like to see the stars and stripes waving, under proper conditions, not only over the Pacific islands, but over any other territory which would be beneficial to the United States. I have my instructions, which I can not divulge. You will understand this. But this much I can say, that the policy of the United States is already formulated regarding theses islands, and that nothing which can be said or done either here or there can avail anything now. I do not come here as did Mr. Blount. I come here as an executive officer. I come to act. When the proper time arrives I shall act. I am sorry that I can not tell you when or how. I wish you to understand that, knowing the policy of the United States, I could not have accepted the position of an executive officer had it been in conflict with the principles I hold. While performing my duties in carrying out the United States policy I shall have no need of aid from you or other resident Americans. I wish to state positively that any outside interference will not be tolerated by the United States." [The Daily Pacific Commercial Advertiser, Saturday, November 18, 1893.] Be just and fear not; Let all the ends thou aim'st at be Thy country's, thy God's, and truth's. A reporter who willfully and purposely falsifies the language of a diplomatic representative, as was done by the Star reporter, on Thursday last, in an interview with Minister Willis, as shown by his published statements, deserves to be branded as unworthy of public credence. Minister Willis may be thus compelled in future, for self-protection, to follow Mr. Blount's example and refuse all press interview. This paper is now, as it always has been since the day when the monarchy was forever banished from Hawaii, the firm and unflinching advocate of annexation to the United States, without any compromise in any shape or form whatever. Nor can one word be produced to show a contrary determination. To this paper more than to any other is due the credit of firmly standing by and defending the Provisional Government and the cause it represents. It yields to no other paper a firmer allegiance to the principles which the Government and its supporters represent. 437 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Mr. Gresham to Mr. Willis. [Telegram.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, November 24, 1893. The brevity and uncertainty of your telegrams are embarrassing. You will insist upon amnesty and recognition of obligations of the Provisional Government a essential conditions of restoration. All interests will be promoted by prompt action. W. Q. GRESHAM. __________ Mr. Gresham to Mr. Willis. [Telegram.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, December 3, 1893. Your dispatch, which was answered by steamer on the 25th of November, seems to call for additional instructions. Should the Queen refuse assent to the written conditions, you will at once inform her that the President will cease interposition in her behalf, and that while he deems it his duty to endeavor to restore to the sovereign the constitutional government of the islands, his further efforts in that direction will depend upon the Queen's unqualified agreement that all obligations created by the Provisional Government in a proper course of administration shall be assumed, and upon such pledges by her as will prevent the adoption of any measures of prescription or punishment for what has been done in the past by those setting up or supporting the Provisional Government. The President feels that by our original interference and what followed, we have incurred responsibilities to the whole Hawaiian community, and it would not be just to put one party at the mercy of the other. Should the Queen ask whether if she accedes to conditions active steps will be taken by the United States to effect her restoration, or to maintain her authority thereafter, you will say that the President can not use force without the authority of Congress. Should the Queen accept conditions and the Provisional Government refuse to surrender, you will be governed by previous instructions. if the Provisional Government asks whether the United States will hold the Queen to fulfillment of stipulated conditions you will say, the President acting under dictates of honor and duty, as he has done in endeavoring to effect restoration, will do all in his constitutional power to cause observance of the conditions he has imposed. GRESHAM. ___________ Mr. Thurston to Mr. Gresham. HAWAIIAN LEGATION, Washington, December 5, 1893. SIR: In confirmation of the claims presented to you by myself during several recent interviews, concerning suggested action by the United States Government towards the Provisional Government of Hawaii, as 438 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. outlined in your communication to the President recently published, and affirmed in the President's message sent yesterday to Congress, I have the honor to hereby submit to you the claims of the Government which I represent in and concerning the premises. If I correctly apprehend the propositions advanced by the Government of the United States they are: First. That the Hawaiian monarchy was subverted by the action of the United States representatives and forces. Second. That but for such action the monarchy would not have been subverted nor the Provisional Government created. Third. That such conclusions are based upon the report made by the Hon. James H. Blount. Fourth. That in view of such action by those representing the Government of the United States, it is proposed that the latter Government shall restore the status existing prior to such subversion of the monarchy. In opposition to such proposed action I hereby, on behalf of the Government I represent, submit the following claims and reasons: First. The Provisional Government of Hawaii is a duly organized and fully recognized independent Government, holding diplomatic relations with nearly all the nations of the world. It has accredited its diplomatic representatives to the United States government, which has received them in the manner customary in dealing with the representatives of friendly independent nations. The United States Government has, in turn, accredited its representatives to the Provisional Government of Hawaii, and they have in like manner been formally received by it. There is nothing lacking to constitute the present Government of Hawaii a full, free, and independent sovereignty, subject to all the obligations and entitled to all the rights, privileges, and courtesies accorded by the United States Government to the most favored nations with whom it is in treaty relations. Second. It is submitted that the Government of the United States has acquired no jurisdiction over the independent sovereign state of Hawaii. There being two distinct sovereignties, jurisdiction by the United States can only be obtained in three ways, viz: (1) by conquest; (2) by treaty; (3) by voluntary submission to the decision of the United States Government in the nature of arbitration. There is no claim made that the sovereignty of Hawaii is subordinate to that of the United States by reason of conquest, nor has it been surrendered by treaty. There is a suggestion, however, in the communication by yourself to the President, above referred to, that authority by voluntary submission in the nature of a power to arbitrate has been conferred upon the Government of the United States. I refer to that portion wherein you state that, "The Government of Hawaii surrendered its authority under a threat of war, until such time as the Government of the United States, upon the facts being presented to it, should reinstate the Constitutional Sovereign; and the Provisional Government was created 'to exist until terms of union with the United States of America have been negotiated and agreed upon.'" I submit that no such authority has been conferred, and in support of such contention present the following reasons: (1) If the parties in Hawaii contending for the control of the Government had intended to submit their differences to the arbitration of the United States, a formal statement to such differences and the points to be settled would 439 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. have been drawn up and signed in the usual form of an agreement for arbitration. No such action has been taken, (2) An arbitration is essentially a judicial proceeding, the elemental features of which, under the principles and forms of precedure in use both in the United States and Hawaii, are, first, notice of the charges made or points at issue; second, opportunity to hear and cross-examine evidence produced by the opposing party; third, opportunity to produce evidence in support of claims made and to meet that of the opposing party; fourth, a full and fair hearing accorded to both parties in open court. In no particular have these particulars, fundamental to the just and equitable decision of the simplest judicial issue, been observed in this admittedly complicated question. The Government of Hawaii, acting under its international right, has made a formal proposition to, by treaty, change the political relation existing between the two countries. The authority of the Hawaiian Government to make such a proposition was not questioned, and a treaty for the accomplishment of such purpose was duly signed by the representatives of the executives of the two countries. Pending the final ratification of such treaty, by desire of the Government of the United States, negotiations were suspended over nice months ago, and an investigation was instituted by the Government of the United States by a special commissioner. During all such time the Hawaiian Government has peaceably administered its own affairs and faithfully carried out all its treaty obligations with all foreign powers. Up to the present time the Hawaiian Government has received no information that such investigation was for any purpose other than to determine the policy of the Government of the United States concerning such proposition of the Government of Hawaii. I has not been a party to such investigation, which has been ex parte and conducted in secret. It has been accorded no opportunity to meet the evidence produced nor to present evidence or argument in its own behalf. The names of the witnesses and the character of the evidence upon which it is proposed to be subverted were unknown to it until published simultaneously with the announcement of the conclusion of the investigating commissioner. It has received no notice that it was on trial for its life, and has not even been informed that it was charged with having taken action for which it was responsible to the United States or whereby it had brought itself within the jurisdiction of such Government. The proclamation issued by the Provisional Government of Hawaii defining its objects and causes does, indeed, state as quoted in your communication above referred to, that it was created "to exist until terms of union with the United States of America have been negotiated and agreed upon." But I submit that neither legally, logically, nor grammatically does such phrase indicate that because annexation has not yet been consummated the Provisional Government is therefore and thereby terminated. On the contrary, I submit that its meaning is clearly and distinctly the exact opposite of that suggested. The Provisional Government was formed with a fixed, definite purpose in view, viz, annexation to the United States. If the date of the consummation of such object had been know it could have been 440 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. in the place of the phrase actually used. As such date was not and could not be known, an appropriate phrase was used signifying that the Government should continue to exist until the object was accomplished. A government was established not absolutely but conditionally. If the wording of the proclamation had been "to exist until the Government of the United States refuses to agree to annexation," a refusal would then have constituted a condition the happening of which, in and of itself, would have terminated the Provisional Government. There was, however, but one condition named in the proclamation, the happening of which should terminate the existence of the Government thereby created, viz, "Union with the United States of America." There is no other terminating condition. Unless and until that condition happens the Government continues in existence. If the happening of the condition is postponed for one, two, or ten years, or for an indefinite period, the Government continues to exist for a like period. The fact that annexation has not yet taken place does not negative the possibility of its happening in the future. So long as the terminating condition has not happened, but may happen, so long does the Government continue to exist, unless changed or terminated by its own act or the act of the people of Hawaii. I further submit that if the reasoning last above set forth is incorrect, and the failure to have yet secured annexation does logically terminate the existence of the Provisional Government, such fact does not confer jurisdiction upon the United States to construe such instrument, but that the construction and interpretation of the wording of such proclamation is purely a matter of domestic concern to be settled by the parties in interest in Hawaii in such manner as the Government and laws of that country may provide. Third. While neither admitting nor questioning the correctness of the allegations of fact reported by Mr. Blount, I purposely omit discussion or criticism thereof, for the reasons, first, that the Hawaiian Government has not been a party to such investigation, and therefore can not be bound by same; and, second, if it be true that the representatives of the United States exceeded their powers, as alleged, such fact does not vest any jurisdiction in the Government of the United States to now infringe upon Hawaiian sovereignty. It is an axiom of law that no man may take advantage of his own wrong. The fact that the United States minister, with or without the authority of his Government, may have trespassed upon the international rights of Hawaii, does not thereby confer jurisdiction upon the Government of the United States to now again, and deliberately, trespass upon such rights. If the United States minister or naval officers have exceeded their authority or violated their instructions they are responsible to their Government therefor. The Hawaiian Government had no control over them. It is not responsible for what they did, and is not and can not be held answerable to the Government of the United States for their acts, nor to have forfeited any of its attributes of independent sovereignty by reason of their actions whether the same were right or wrong, authorized or unauthorized. In like manner, if the allegation is true, that the ex-Queen abdicated under the belief that the Provisional Government would submit the question to the United States Government, such fact does not vest in the Government of the United States any jurisdiction over the subject-matter. If the ex-Queen was warranted in such belief and an agreement was made between her and the Provisional Government, which I