Q. Did he say what they were enlisted for? A. To carry their point. He 
did not say what it was. 

I have read the foregoing and it is a correct report of my interview 
with Mr. Blount. 
W. P. BOYD.
HONOLULU, June 13, 1893.

_____________________________________________________________
______________ 

No. 14.

(Statement of J. O. Carter, May 3, 1893, printed with Mr. Blount's No. 
4, dated May 4, 1893.) 
_____________________________________________________________
______________ 

No. 15.

Interview with J. O . Carter, Honolulu, May 13, 1893.

Mr. Blount. Are you a brother of the Mr. Carter who was t one time 
minister to the United states? A. I am.
Q. What business are you engaged in?
A. I am a sugar factor and commission merchant. Q. I see if the 
correspondence between the American minister at this point and the 
State Department, during Mr. Harrison's administration, reference to 
the relations between the ex-Queen and Mr. Wilson, the ex-marshal. 
Please tell me what you know of the character of the Queen. A. So far 
as I know I have always found her to be a gentlewoman, very kindly 
and generous, and I do not know anything against her, except what 
parties have circulated in Honolulu. Q. Do you give any credit to these 
stories? A. No; knowing this community as well as I do, I do not 
credit them. q. In what way do you mean?
A. There is more loose talk about men and women in this town than 
any place I have ever seen in my life. I never knew such a place for 
loose talk. Q. Was she invited to private houses to entertainments by 
Americans and Europeans? A. She was.
Q. Did the ladies of these nationalities resort freely to the palace and 
manifest respect for her? A. They did to my certain knowledge.
Q. To any considerable extent?
A. It was limited only by her.
Q She was welcome at any house?
A. I never knew anything against her being invited. She was most 
certainly welcome. Q. What is the foundation of these rumors against 
her character? A. I suppose the fact that Wilson and his wife resided 
in that bungalow and resided in the cottage at Washington Place 
when she was there. Q. Did they live in the house with her?
A. Not to my knowledge. I understand that Wilson and wife 

736	HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
lived in the bungalow at the palace and in the cottage at Washington 
Place.
Q. The bungalow was 30 or 40 yards from the palace? Q. Did Mr. 
Wilson and his wife live in that bungalow? A. I understand so. I 
never called on them. Q. What were the relations between the Queen 
and Mrs. Wilson? A. I think she very largely brought Mrs. Wilson up. 
Mrs. Wilson was the daughter of an American, John S. Townsend. He 
deserted his wife and family, and the Queen showed her kindness to 
the girl. But that was before she was Queen; before she was heir 
apparent. Natives have a way of bringing up children in that way. Q. 
She took this Mrs. Wilson up at about what age? A. I can not say; but 
at quite an early age. There are two kinds of children among the 
natives- Keikehanai and Keikehanau. The latter is a child of the body 
the former an adopted child. Q. Has she (Liliuokalani) ever had a 
child? A. she never had any children.
Q. What do you know of Mr. Wilson?
A. I know that he is reputed to be half Tahitian; that he was a 
blacksmith and that he was marshal of the Kingdom. Q. His father 
was of what nationality?
A. I do not really know.
Q. Does he seem to be about the same type of person as the half-
castes are? A. Just about.
Q. His associations generally are with those people? A. Yes.
Q. Did he come here as a child?
A. That I can not tell you.
Q. What reason did the Queen have for appointing this person to the 
office of marshal and for having him to live in the palace grounds 
when she was at that place and in the cottage when she was at 
Washington Place? A. She believed thoroughly in his loyalty. He has 
the reputation of being courageous, and she believed that he would 
protect her against persons who were disposed against her. Q. Protect 
her in what sense? Was she apprehensive of any assault? A. I think 
she has been from all that I could gather. Q. Of what?
A. Of this party of revolutionists.
Q. Do you mean that she has not felt sure but what some movement 
would be made looking to her dethronement? A. Whether it was that 
or overturning of the State I can not say. Q. And you think that was 
the reason, in connection with Wilson's loyalty to her and his 
courage, that she persisted in holding him in office? A. I can not 
think of any other reason.
Q. What was the reason of the desire on the part of the opposition of 
Reform party to get Wilson out of that place? What sort of officer did 
he make? A. He was in charge of the police. He was a very good 
marshal, and the proof of that is that when the Reform party came 
into power they did not put him out. Q. In 1887?
A. I do not mean that. I mean lately- in the Legislature they did 

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.	737
not put him out. Mr. Neumann invited them to come before him and 
a committee and make their complaint about Mr. Wilson; said that he 
would listen to them, and if they gave sufficient reason why he 
should be deposed they should do it. Neumann told me so himself.
Q. What reason do you suppose they had for the attacks on Wilson? 
A. He was in their way.
Q. In their way in what thing? Do you imagine that there was any 
annexation movement in the minds of the Reform party? A. 
Individuals in the party were always pronounced annexationists. 
Hartwell was; Mr. Gren was; Mr. Thurston- I won't say that of 
Thurston. The only insight I got as to his feelings was that he 
remarked to me one day that he believed in bringing things to a 
smash. Q. How long ago was that?
A. During the session of the Legislature. It was at a meeting of the 
company we were in. He said, "I believe in bringing things to a smash 
and then we will rebuild." Q. What is your interpretation of all that 
turning out of cabinets and putting in of cabinets? Did it illustrate 
that smashing-up policy? A. Thurston was a ringleader in all that 
work and I believe it was to that end. Q. How in point of intelligence 
did the Wilcox cabinet compare with the Macfarlane cabinet, take 
them as a whole? A. In point of intelligence there was not much 
difference. In the matter of having the confidence of men of wealth 
the Jones-Wilcox cabinet was undoubtedly the superior. Q. What is 
the character of Mr. Samuel Parker as to truthfulness? A. I have 
never heard it questioned. He is a frank, open sort of person, and 
such persons are not liars as a rule. Q. Does he circulate in the best 
society in Honolulu, he and his family? A. Yes, they can circulate 
wherever they want to. Q. He and his wife are both half-castes? 
A. They are.
Q. What is Mr. Peterson's character as to truthfulness? A. I would 
always accept his statements. Q. Is that generally true here?
A. That I can not tell you.
Q. Do you know his general reputation for truth and veracity? A. I 
think I do.
Q. From that character would you believe him on oath? A. I would
Q. Do you regard him as a truthful man?
A. Yes. sir.
Q. Do you know the general reputation of Cornwell as to truth and 
veracity? A. I have never heard it questioned
Q. From that reputation would you believe him on his oath? A. 
Certainly.
Q. How about Mr. Colburn; form your general knowledge of his 
reputation for truth and veracity, would you believe him on his 
oath? A. He has the reputation of being sharp in business practices. I 
am loath to say I would not take his word under oath. Q. Has it been 
the practice of any foreign nation or nations to land troops here in 
case of disturbance? A. I never saw it done except on the part of 
American forces. When 

FR 94-APP II-47

738	HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Kalakaua was put on the throne both English an American forces 
were landed. Admiral Skerrett was the captain of the Portsmouth .
Q. What effect was produced on the mind of the native population by 
the landing of American marines on the 16th of January, 1893? A. 
The effect was to intimidate them.
Q. Was that intimidation helpful to the movers in the revolution? A. 
Most certainly.
Q. Could they have succeeded without the impression that they were 
backed by the United Stated forces? A. They would not have 
undertaken it without. I feel sure of that. Q. What was the condition 
at that time in the city as to peacefulness? A. It was the most 
peaceful, law-abiding community you would see anywhere. Q. The 
stores open as usual?
A. Yes. They closed the stores on the 16th so as to let everybody 
attend the mass meeting. Q. Were women and children going about 
on the streets as usual? A. Yes.
Q. Did the people go back to their stores after the mass meeting. A. I 
think not. It was late in the afternoon. Q. Was it on account of the 
lateness of the hour that they did not go back to their stores? A. Yes; 
that was the only reason. There was no disorder. Women and 
children on the street. Q. The next morning, the morning of the 17th 
were you sent for to go to the Government building? A. Yes, sir.
Q. What time in the day was that?
A. About 6 o'clock, I think. I dine at half past 5, and during dinner I 
was rung up, and went down to the Government building with Mr. 
Mehrtens, who came for me. Q. Were you sent for by the parties in 
this new movement? A. I do not know that. I was taken by Mehrtens 
right to the Government building. Q. and brought in the presence of 
whom?
A. The Provisional Government>
Q. Please state what occurred there?
A. There was a deal of excitement. I asked why I had been sent for. I 
do not know who answered me. I was told a committee was going 
over to the Queen- that I was to go with the committee. I want with 
the committee. Q. They didn't ask you to go, just told you you were to 
go? A. I was told that there was a committee to be sent to the Queen 
and I was wanted to go. Q. For what purpose?
A. To state to her that the Provisional Government had been formed 
and that she was deposed, and to assist her in making any protest 
she might want to make. Q, Did you go?
A. Yes.
Q. Please state what occurred?

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.	739

A. We went into the blue room. Her Majesty and one or both of the 
princes were there. Her ministers were there- Mr. Widemann, Mr. 
MacFarlane. Mr. Damon I suppose was the committee. I do not know 
whether there was more than one. I went with him. Mr. Damon made 
a few remarks, in which he said that the Provisional Government had 
been formed; that she was deposed, and that she could make a 
protest if she desired. There was a pause. I spoke up and said it was 
an unpleasant thing to be present on such an occasion. She had my 
sympathy; that it was a question of yielding to force; that if she 
would accept my advice she would yield and counsel her people to 
be quiet and orderly; that I should advise the surrender of the 
station house and barracks; that in case she acted in the line I 
marked out, I believed her case would be a better one for 
presentation at Washington. Q. What force did you refer to?
A. The forces of the Provisional Government, backed by the Boston. Q. 
Was it your impression that the Boston forces would coöperate with 
the Provisional Government forces? A. Yes, sir.
Q. Had the Provisional Government been recognized? A. That is a 
matter of hearsay. It was commonly reported so no the street. Q. You 
were in the crowd at the Government building when they sent for 
you? A. I overheard that Mr. Stevens had recognized the Provisional 
Government. Q. Was it the common acceptation in that crowd, so far 
as you could see or hear? A. In the afternoon it was the 
understanding on the street that Mr. Stevens had recognized the 
Government. I heard a rumor that Stevens had recognized the 
Government and that a steamer was to be chartered and sent with 
commissioners to Washington. Q. That occurred on the streets?
A. Yes; I heard it on the streets before I went to dinner. Q. In a 
conversation with me you referred to certain newspaper articles 
pointing to the character of the Queen. What were they? A. A sermon 
in the Commercial Advertiser of February 17, 1893. preached by the 
Rev. E. G. Beckwith on the accession of the Queen. Q. Who is he?
A. Pastor of the Central Union Church.
Q. Is he an Englishman?
A. An American.
Q. What denomination is his church.
A. Congregational.
Q. What was the other article?
A. A leading article in same paper of February 5, 1891, and the 
Bulletin of June 26, 1891, containing an account of the Oahu College 
jubilee, naming the persons present, among whom was the Queen. Q. 
Did you ever attend a breakfast given by the American minister to 
the ex-Queen? A. I did, with my wife.
Q. When was that?
A. April 19, 1892. Q. Who was present besides the Queen? A. Hon. 
Jonathan Austin; Hon. S. M. Damon and wife/ Hon. and Mrs., Samuel 
Parker; Mr. Haines, of San Francisco; Mr. and Mrs. H. 

740	HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
W. Severance; Mr. and Mrs. Mizner, late United states minister to 
Guatemala; Hon. and Mrs. W. G. Irwin; Lieut. Dyer, U S. Navy; Dr. 
Clarke, U. S. Navy; Mrs. Henry Waterhouse and others.
Q. These people were invited to meet the queen. were they? A. Yes, 
sir.

I have carefully read the foregoing and pronounce it to be an 
accurate report of my interview with Mr. Blount. 
M. O. Carter.
Honolulu, June 10, 1893.
_____________________________________________________________
______________ 

No. 16.

Interview with H. Center, Honolulu, June 24, 1893.

Q. Where do you reside?
A. Spreckelsville, Maui.
Q. What is your occupation?
A. Manager of the Hawaiian Commercial and Sugar Company. Q. How 
long have you been in the Hawaiian Islands? Q. Nearly sixteen years.
Q. When a laborer works carelessly, what remedy have you under 
the law to compel him to work? Q. We sue him for damages in court. 
If I can prove what is a proper day's work, and a man does not do it, 
I can sue him for the amount of work not performed. you can not 
deduct by law from their pay. We do sometimes deduct and the man 
stands it because he escapes thereby the cost of court, which is about 
$3.50 in addition to the loss of pay. If they were paid 50 cents a day, 
if he did only half a day's work, we should only sue him for 25 cents, 
but if he lost his case he would have to pay $3.50 in addition. Q. If a 
laborer leaves his employer during the contract term what remedy 
does the law furnish to compel him to return to his employer? A. 
Upon producing the contract before the district judge and entering a 
complaint the judge issues a warrant, which is served by the 
Government police, and the party must be tried forty eight hours 
after being put in jail. If convicted and it is his first offense on that 
contract he will be reprimanded, ordered back to work, and charged 
costs. On the second offense on the same contract he is fined or 
imprisoned and charged costs if convicted, and after the expiration of 
his imprisonment ordered back to work. The third offense he is fined 
or imprisoned three months, and all further offenses are punished at 
the discretion of the court. Q. Can the natives generally read and 
write? A. Yes; it is very seldom you find a native who can not read 
and write very well. Generally the Kanaka language, but very 
frequently English. They are learning more English now. Q. What is 
the disposition of the native population towards the Provisional 
Government? A. Hostile, altogether hostile, so far as I have come in 
contact with them. They dread to lose their ancient customs and 
rights, and also because there was an attempt made to disfranchise 
them. Q. What is their general character for uprightness? A. They are 
honest and straightforward. They are remarkably true to any one 
who is true to them. They would steal nothing. 

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.	741

Q. How do they compare in fitness for the use of the elective 
franchise with the laboring class of the United States? A. They 
compare very well indeed.
Q. If the question of annexation were left to the people of these 
Islands by a ballot under the Australian system, with the 
qualification of reading and writing, what, in your opinion, would be 
the result? A. There would be an overwhelming majority against 
annexation. No native who was not influenced would vote for it. Q. 
Can you get labor here from European countries to work you 
plantation successfully? A. We can not to raise sugar at the world's 
price. Of course under the protection of the United States it might be 
a little better for us. We have now no advantage from the United 
States. 

The shorthand notes of this interview have been read to me by Mr. 
Mills and they are correct. 
II. Center.
Honolulu, June 26, 1893 .
_____________________________________________________________
______________ 

No. 17.
Statement concerning number of troops landed and returned to the 
Boston. 

Guns landed: One 37 m H. R. C.; one Gatling. I have looked the log 
over and find the following to be a pretty accurate account of the 
forces landed from the U. S. S. Boston at Honolulu, January 16, 1893, 
together with those landed from and returned to the ship at different 
times: 

Landed at 4:30 or 5 p.m., January 16:
Three (3) companies of blue jackets, 36 each.......................................... 108 
One (1) company of marines and (2) music.............................................. 32 
Music for battalion................................................................................... 12 
Officers (9 naval, 1 marine)......................................................................	10
162
---

Extra men landed:
January 24, for Camp Boston.......................................................... 2 February 
16, for Camp Boston........................................................ 1 March 15, for 
Marine Guard........................................................... 1 March 17, for Camp 
Boston............................................................ 14 
18
Total number of men and officers landed for service................................... 
180 

Returned on board:
January 27, men.........................................................................................	2
January 30, men........................................................................................ 1 
February 3, Lieut. Young's company.......................................................... 35 
February 3, officers....................................................................................	2
February 23, men....................................................................................... 2 
February 27, men....................................................................................... 2 
February 28, men (1), marine (1) blue jacket.............................................
	2
March 1, men............................................................................................	1
March 13, men.......................................................................................... 1 March 
15, men.......................................................................................... 2
Q. Did he say what they were enlisted for? A. To carry their point. He 
did not say what it was. 

I have read the foregoing and it is a correct report of my interview 
with Mr. Blount. 
W. P. BOYD.
HONOLULU, June 13, 1893.

_____________________________________________________________
______________ 

No. 14.

(Statement of J. O. Carter, May 3, 1893, printed with Mr. Blount's No. 
4, dated May 4, 1893.) 
_____________________________________________________________
______________ 

No. 15.

Interview with J. O . Carter, Honolulu, May 13, 1893.

Mr. Blount. Are you a brother of the Mr. Carter who was t one time 
minister to the United states? A. I am.
Q. What business are you engaged in?
A. I am a sugar factor and commission merchant. Q. I see if the 
correspondence between the American minister at this point and the 
State Department, during Mr. Harrison's administration, reference to 
the relations between the ex-Queen and Mr. Wilson, the ex-marshal. 
Please tell me what you know of the character of the Queen. A. So far 
as I know I have always found her to be a gentlewoman, very kindly 
and generous, and I do not know anything against her, except what 
parties have circulated in Honolulu. Q. Do you give any credit to these 
stories? A. No; knowing this community as well as I do, I do not 
credit them. q. In what way do you mean?
A. There is more loose talk about men and women in this town than 
any place I have ever seen in my life. I never knew such a place for 
loose talk. Q. Was she invited to private houses to entertainments by 
Americans and Europeans? A. She was.
Q. Did the ladies of these nationalities resort freely to the palace and 
manifest respect for her? A. They did to my certain knowledge.
Q. To any considerable extent?
A. It was limited only by her.
Q She was welcome at any house?
A. I never knew anything against her being invited. She was most 
certainly welcome. Q. What is the foundation of these rumors against 
her character? A. I suppose the fact that Wilson and his wife resided 
in that bungalow and resided in the cottage at Washington Place 
when she was there. Q. Did they live in the house with her?
A. Not to my knowledge. I understand that Wilson and wife 

736	HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
lived in the bungalow at the palace and in the cottage at Washington 
Place.
Q. The bungalow was 30 or 40 yards from the palace? Q. Did Mr. 
Wilson and his wife live in that bungalow? A. I understand so. I 
never called on them. Q. What were the relations between the Queen 
and Mrs. Wilson? A. I think she very largely brought Mrs. Wilson up. 
Mrs. Wilson was the daughter of an American, John S. Townsend. He 
deserted his wife and family, and the Queen showed her kindness to 
the girl. But that was before she was Queen; before she was heir 
apparent. Natives have a way of bringing up children in that way. Q. 
She took this Mrs. Wilson up at about what age? A. I can not say; but 
at quite an early age. There are two kinds of children among the 
natives- Keikehanai and Keikehanau. The latter is a child of the body 
the former an adopted child. Q. Has she (Liliuokalani) ever had a 
child? A. she never had any children.
Q. What do you know of Mr. Wilson?
A. I know that he is reputed to be half Tahitian; that he was a 
blacksmith and that he was marshal of the Kingdom. Q. His father 
was of what nationality?
A. I do not really know.
Q. Does he seem to be about the same type of person as the half-
castes are? A. Just about.
Q. His associations generally are with those people? A. Yes.
Q. Did he come here as a child?
A. That I can not tell you.
Q. What reason did the Queen have for appointing this person to the 
office of marshal and for having him to live in the palace grounds 
when she was at that place and in the cottage when she was at 
Washington Place? A. She believed thoroughly in his loyalty. He has 
the reputation of being courageous, and she believed that he would 
protect her against persons who were disposed against her. Q. Protect 
her in what sense? Was she apprehensive of any assault? A. I think 
she has been from all that I could gather. Q. Of what?
A. Of this party of revolutionists.
Q. Do you mean that she has not felt sure but what some movement 
would be made looking to her dethronement? A. Whether it was that 
or overturning of the State I can not say. Q. And you think that was 
the reason, in connection with Wilson's loyalty to her and his 
courage, that she persisted in holding him in office? A. I can not 
think of any other reason.
Q. What was the reason of the desire on the part of the opposition of 
Reform party to get Wilson out of that place? What sort of officer did 
he make? A. He was in charge of the police. He was a very good 
marshal, and the proof of that is that when the Reform party came 
into power they did not put him out. Q. In 1887?
A. I do not mean that. I mean lately- in the Legislature they did 

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.	737
not put him out. Mr. Neumann invited them to come before him and 
a committee and make their complaint about Mr. Wilson; said that he 
would listen to them, and if they gave sufficient reason why he 
should be deposed they should do it. Neumann told me so himself.
Q. What reason do you suppose they had for the attacks on Wilson? 
A. He was in their way.
Q. In their way in what thing? Do you imagine that there was any 
annexation movement in the minds of the Reform party? A. 
Individuals in the party were always pronounced annexationists. 
Hartwell was; Mr. Gren was; Mr. Thurston- I won't say that of 
Thurston. The only insight I got as to his feelings was that he 
remarked to me one day that he believed in bringing things to a 
smash. Q. How long ago was that?
A. During the session of the Legislature. It was at a meeting of the 
company we were in. He said, "I believe in bringing things to a smash 
and then we will rebuild." Q. What is your interpretation of all that 
turning out of cabinets and putting in of cabinets? Did it illustrate 
that smashing-up policy? A. Thurston was a ringleader in all that 
work and I believe it was to that end. Q. How in point of intelligence 
did the Wilcox cabinet compare with the Macfarlane cabinet, take 
them as a whole? A. In point of intelligence there was not much 
difference. In the matter of having the confidence of men of wealth 
the Jones-Wilcox cabinet was undoubtedly the superior. Q. What is 
the character of Mr. Samuel Parker as to truthfulness? A. I have 
never heard it questioned. He is a frank, open sort of person, and 
such persons are not liars as a rule. Q. Does he circulate in the best 
society in Honolulu, he and his family? A. Yes, they can circulate 
wherever they want to. Q. He and his wife are both half-castes? 
A. They are.
Q. What is Mr. Peterson's character as to truthfulness? A. I would 
always accept his statements. Q. Is that generally true here?
A. That I can not tell you.
Q. Do you know his general reputation for truth and veracity? A. I 
think I do.
Q. From that character would you believe him on oath? A. I would
Q. Do you regard him as a truthful man?
A. Yes. sir.
Q. Do you know the general reputation of Cornwell as to truth and 
veracity? A. I have never heard it questioned
Q. From that reputation would you believe him on his oath? A. 
Certainly.
Q. How about Mr. Colburn; form your general knowledge of his 
reputation for truth and veracity, would you believe him on his 
oath? A. He has the reputation of being sharp in business practices. I 
am loath to say I would not take his word under oath. Q. Has it been 
the practice of any foreign nation or nations to land troops here in 
case of disturbance? A. I never saw it done except on the part of 
American forces. When 

FR 94-APP II-47

738	HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
Kalakaua was put on the throne both English an American forces 
were landed. Admiral Skerrett was the captain of the Portsmouth .
Q. What effect was produced on the mind of the native population by 
the landing of American marines on the 16th of January, 1893? A. 
The effect was to intimidate them.
Q. Was that intimidation helpful to the movers in the revolution? A. 
Most certainly.
Q. Could they have succeeded without the impression that they were 
backed by the United Stated forces? A. They would not have 
undertaken it without. I feel sure of that. Q. What was the condition 
at that time in the city as to peacefulness? A. It was the most 
peaceful, law-abiding community you would see anywhere. Q. The 
stores open as usual?
A. Yes. They closed the stores on the 16th so as to let everybody 
attend the mass meeting. Q. Were women and children going about 
on the streets as usual? A. Yes.
Q. Did the people go back to their stores after the mass meeting. A. I 
think not. It was late in the afternoon. Q. Was it on account of the 
lateness of the hour that they did not go back to their stores? A. Yes; 
that was the only reason. There was no disorder. Women and 
children on the street. Q. The next morning, the morning of the 17th 
were you sent for to go to the Government building? A. Yes, sir.
Q. What time in the day was that?
A. About 6 o'clock, I think. I dine at half past 5, and during dinner I 
was rung up, and went down to the Government building with Mr. 
Mehrtens, who came for me. Q. Were you sent for by the parties in 
this new movement? A. I do not know that. I was taken by Mehrtens 
right to the Government building. Q. and brought in the presence of 
whom?
A. The Provisional Government>
Q. Please state what occurred there?
A. There was a deal of excitement. I asked why I had been sent for. I 
do not know who answered me. I was told a committee was going 
over to the Queen- that I was to go with the committee. I want with 
the committee. Q. They didn't ask you to go, just told you you were to 
go? A. I was told that there was a committee to be sent to the Queen 
and I was wanted to go. Q. For what purpose?
A. To state to her that the Provisional Government had been formed 
and that she was deposed, and to assist her in making any protest 
she might want to make. Q, Did you go?
A. Yes.
Q. Please state what occurred?

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.	739

A. We went into the blue room. Her Majesty and one or both of the 
princes were there. Her ministers were there- Mr. Widemann, Mr. 
MacFarlane. Mr. Damon I suppose was the committee. I do not know 
whether there was more than one. I went with him. Mr. Damon made 
a few remarks, in which he said that the Provisional Government had 
been formed; that she was deposed, and that she could make a 
protest if she desired. There was a pause. I spoke up and said it was 
an unpleasant thing to be present on such an occasion. She had my 
sympathy; that it was a question of yielding to force; that if she 
would accept my advice she would yield and counsel her people to 
be quiet and orderly; that I should advise the surrender of the 
station house and barracks; that in case she acted in the line I 
marked out, I believed her case would be a better one for 
presentation at Washington. Q. What force did you refer to?
A. The forces of the Provisional Government, backed by the Boston. Q. 
Was it your impression that the Boston forces would coöperate with 
the Provisional Government forces? A. Yes, sir.
Q. Had the Provisional Government been recognized? A. That is a 
matter of hearsay. It was commonly reported so no the street. Q. You 
were in the crowd at the Government building when they sent for 
you? A. I overheard that Mr. Stevens had recognized the Provisional 
Government. Q. Was it the common acceptation in that crowd, so far 
as you could see or hear? A. In the afternoon it was the 
understanding on the street that Mr. Stevens had recognized the 
Government. I heard a rumor that Stevens had recognized the 
Government and that a steamer was to be chartered and sent with 
commissioners to Washington. Q. That occurred on the streets?
A. Yes; I heard it on the streets before I went to dinner. Q. In a 
conversation with me you referred to certain newspaper articles 
pointing to the character of the Queen. What were they? A. A sermon 
in the Commercial Advertiser of February 17, 1893. preached by the 
Rev. E. G. Beckwith on the accession of the Queen. Q. Who is he?
A. Pastor of the Central Union Church.
Q. Is he an Englishman?
A. An American.
Q. What denomination is his church.
A. Congregational.
Q. What was the other article?
A. A leading article in same paper of February 5, 1891, and the 
Bulletin of June 26, 1891, containing an account of the Oahu College 
jubilee, naming the persons present, among whom was the Queen. Q. 
Did you ever attend a breakfast given by the American minister to 
the ex-Queen? A. I did, with my wife.
Q. When was that?
A. April 19, 1892. Q. Who was present besides the Queen? A. Hon. 
Jonathan Austin; Hon. S. M. Damon and wife/ Hon. and Mrs., Samuel 
Parker; Mr. Haines, of San Francisco; Mr. and Mrs. H. 

740	HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
W. Severance; Mr. and Mrs. Mizner, late United states minister to 
Guatemala; Hon. and Mrs. W. G. Irwin; Lieut. Dyer, U S. Navy; Dr. 
Clarke, U. S. Navy; Mrs. Henry Waterhouse and others.
Q. These people were invited to meet the queen. were they? A. Yes, 
sir.

I have carefully read the foregoing and pronounce it to be an 
accurate report of my interview with Mr. Blount. 
M. O. Carter.
Honolulu, June 10, 1893.
_____________________________________________________________
______________ 

No. 16.

Interview with H. Center, Honolulu, June 24, 1893.

Q. Where do you reside?
A. Spreckelsville, Maui.
Q. What is your occupation?
A. Manager of the Hawaiian Commercial and Sugar Company. Q. How 
long have you been in the Hawaiian Islands? Q. Nearly sixteen years.
Q. When a laborer works carelessly, what remedy have you under 
the law to compel him to work? Q. We sue him for damages in court. 
If I can prove what is a proper day's work, and a man does not do it, 
I can sue him for the amount of work not performed. you can not 
deduct by law from their pay. We do sometimes deduct and the man 
stands it because he escapes thereby the cost of court, which is about 
$3.50 in addition to the loss of pay. If they were paid 50 cents a day, 
if he did only half a day's work, we should only sue him for 25 cents, 
but if he lost his case he would have to pay $3.50 in addition. Q. If a 
laborer leaves his employer during the contract term what remedy 
does the law furnish to compel him to return to his employer? A. 
Upon producing the contract before the district judge and entering a 
complaint the judge issues a warrant, which is served by the 
Government police, and the party must be tried forty eight hours 
after being put in jail. If convicted and it is his first offense on that 
contract he will be reprimanded, ordered back to work, and charged 
costs. On the second offense on the same contract he is fined or 
imprisoned and charged costs if convicted, and after the expiration of 
his imprisonment ordered back to work. The third offense he is fined 
or imprisoned three months, and all further offenses are punished at 
the discretion of the court. Q. Can the natives generally read and 
write? A. Yes; it is very seldom you find a native who can not read 
and write very well. Generally the Kanaka language, but very 
frequently English. They are learning more English now. Q. What is 
the disposition of the native population towards the Provisional 
Government? A. Hostile, altogether hostile, so far as I have come in 
contact with them. They dread to lose their ancient customs and 
rights, and also because there was an attempt made to disfranchise 
them. Q. What is their general character for uprightness? A. They are 
honest and straightforward. They are remarkably true to any one 
who is true to them. They would steal nothing. 

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.	741

Q. How do they compare in fitness for the use of the elective 
franchise with the laboring class of the United States? A. They 
compare very well indeed.
Q. If the question of annexation were left to the people of these 
Islands by a ballot under the Australian system, with the 
qualification of reading and writing, what, in your opinion, would be 
the result? A. There would be an overwhelming majority against 
annexation. No native who was not influenced would vote for it. Q. 
Can you get labor here from European countries to work you 
plantation successfully? A. We can not to raise sugar at the world's 
price. Of course under the protection of the United States it might be 
a little better for us. We have now no advantage from the United 
States. 

The shorthand notes of this interview have been read to me by Mr. 
Mills and they are correct. 
II. Center.
Honolulu, June 26, 1893 .
_____________________________________________________________
______________ 

No. 17.
Statement concerning number of troops landed and returned to the 
Boston. 

Guns landed: One 37 m H. R. C.; one Gatling. I have looked the log 
over and find the following to be a pretty accurate account of the 
forces landed from the U. S. S. Boston at Honolulu, January 16, 1893, 
together with those landed from and returned to the ship at different 
times: 

Landed at 4:30 or 5 p.m., January 16:
Three (3) companies of blue jackets, 36 each.......................................... 108 
One (1) company of marines and (2) music.............................................. 32 
Music for battalion................................................................................... 12 
Officers (9 naval, 1 marine)......................................................................	10
162
---

Extra men landed:
January 24, for Camp Boston.......................................................... 2 February 
16, for Camp Boston........................................................ 1 March 15, for 
Marine Guard........................................................... 1 March 17, for Camp 
Boston............................................................ 14 
18
Total number of men and officers landed for service................................... 
180 

Returned on board:
January 27, men.........................................................................................	2
January 30, men........................................................................................ 1 
February 3, Lieut. Young's company.......................................................... 35 
February 3, officers....................................................................................	2
February 23, men....................................................................................... 2 
February 27, men....................................................................................... 2 
February 28, men (1), marine (1) blue jacket.............................................
	2
March 1, men............................................................................................	1
March 13, men.......................................................................................... 1 March 
15, men.......................................................................................... 2
March 18, men...........................................................................................	1
March 20, Lieut. Coffman's company........................................................
	36
March 20, officers......................................................................................	1
March 22, men.......................................................................................... 1 
__
Total number of men and officers returned before April 
1..........................	89
Total number of men and officers landed before April 
1.............................	180
Total number of men and officers left on shore March 20, 
1893................. 91 

742	HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

On February 15 Lieut. Young's company landed for the Admiral's 
review, and returned after the review the same day. There were 36 
men in the company and two officers. 

The total number of men at Camp Boston April 1: 
Men......................................................................................................... 52 
Officers.................................................................................................... 6 Marines at 
Government building................................................................ 33 Marine 
officer..........................................................................................	1
__
Total force withdrawn form on shore April 1, 1893.................................... 
92 

I think this is very near a true state of facts. Yours, etc.,
D. W. Coffman.

_____________________________________________________________
______________ 

No. 18.
(Statement of John F. Colburne, April 15, 1893, printed with Mr. 
Blount's No. 3, dated April 2, 1893.) 
_____________________________________________________________
______________ 

No. 19.
(Statement of William H. Cornwell, April 24, 1893, printed with Mr. 
Blount's no. 3, dated April 26, 1893.) 
_____________________________________________________________
______________ 

No. 20.
(Statement of S. M. Damon, April 29, 1893, printed with Mr. Blount's 
No. 4, dated May 4, 1893.) 
_____________________________________________________________
______________ 

No. 21.
(Statement of Lieut. Hebert L. Draper, May 5, 1893, printed with Mr. 
Blount's No. 5, dated May 6, 1893.) 
_____________________________________________________________
______________ 

No. 22.

Interview with Charles T. Gulick, Honolulu, May 13, 1893.

Q. What is your occupation, Mr. Gulick?
A. Notary public and business agent.
Q. For whom?
A. General; that is carrying on business agency. Agent for Pitt and 
Scott's express, and for the Burlington railroad. My business is also 
negotiating loans as well as real estate. Q. Have you been a minister 
in any reign/ A. Under Kalakaua, 6th of August, 1883, to 30th of 
June, 1886. Q. At any time since then?
A. Under Liliuokalani from September 12, 1892- about two months. 
Q. I see in the correspondence between the American minister and 

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.	743
the State Department some statements as to Wilson, the ex-marshal 
being the paramour of the ex-Queen. I wish to ask you as to your 
knowledge of her character in point of chastity?
A. I would say to begin with that I know nothing against her 
character in that line. Q. Was she received in all of the best families 
in this city - among the whites? A. She was; she always has been.
Q. Were they pleased to have her accept invitations to their 
entertainments? A. They always have been.
Q. Did they accept invitations to entertainments at the palace? A. Not 
only accepted them, but were always anxious to get them. Q. Did you 
ever hear of anybody keeping away from there on account of her 
character? A. I have not.
Q. Do you know anything of the history of Mrs. Wilson? A. I do.
Q. Please state it.
A. Mrs. Wilson is a half white woman who, at the early age of 10 or 
12 was taken by the present Queen and educated. Was admitted into 
her household as a member. As she grew to womanhood Charles B. 
Wilson, her present husband, met her, took a fancy to her, and, with 
the approval of the Queen, he married her. When the Queen came to 
the throne Mrs. Wilson became one of her ladies in waiting, which 
position she held up to the overturn of the Government. Q. Where did 
Mr. and Mrs. Wilson live?
A. In the bungalow.
Q. That is a building in the palace yard? A. yes.
Q. What distance between the bungalow and the palace? A. Two 
hundred and fifty feet I should think. Q. you have heard some 
scandal about the Queen and Mr. Wilson? A. I have.
Q. Did they grow out of the political campaigns here or did they have 
a firmer basis? A. I think they grew out of the political campaign 
entirely. 

Monday, June 19, 1893.
Q. When the American troops were landed here on the 16th of 
January, 1893, was there any indication of disorder on the part of 
the population? A. None whatever.
Q. Were ladies and children on the streets as usual? A. They were.
Q. When it was known these troops had been landed, what was the 
impression made on the minds of the royalists by that fact? A. There 
was a feeling of bewilderment, as they were unable to account for it. 
The people in the streets followed along inquiringly and people in 
their offices went out. I was at my office. I went out to see what it all 
meant. Nobody seemed to know how to account for it- what the 
object could be. It inspired all who were royalists with concern and 
apprehension. Q. Apprehension of what sort?

744	HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

A. Apprehension of some impending disaster to the nation or 
encroachment upon their rights and independence. The feeling at 
that time was vague. Q. The next day what was generally the feeling 
on the part of the Royalists? A. There was a feeling that it was a 
high-handed, unjustifiable move, and that there was no call for it. Q. 
Was there any opinion that it was in aid of the movement of the 
committee of safety? A. I may say that that was the general 
impression; but matters at that day had not formed themselves, had 
not crystallized, so that everyone was looking around and asking his 
neighbor and inquiring as to what would come next. Q. Was that the 
condition of mind the day after the troops were landed? A. I think I 
may safely say it was.
Q. What was the feeling on the part of the foreign element here? A. 
My communication was principally confined to those who were in 
sympathy with my own feelings and views. All of us who were in 
sympathy with the Government and country and desired to see its 
perpetuation as an independent country were, as I said before, 
impressed with the fact that it was a high-handed move. With regard 
to the other people, those who might properly be considered 
revolutionists, there was an activity apparent on the street which 
would seem to indicate that they were making preparations for some 
definite move. This was in the forenoon of the 17th, the day 
following the landing of the American troops. Q. What was the 
impression made on your mind when the troops were landed on the 
16th as to the object of their being landed? A. The impression left on 
my mind was that they were landed in support of a revolutionary 
measure having in view the overturning of this Government. Q. What 
time did that impression obtain generally in the community; did it 
commence before the Provisional Government was proclaimed? A. 
Yes; early in the day.
Q. How long before the proclamation of the provisional Government 
dethroning the Queen? A. To my knowledge six or eight hours. I 
would qualify that by saying that it is altogether likely a number had 
that view the night before. Q. When the American protectorate was 
proclaimed here, was the condition of the public mind one of 
quiescence, awaiting the action of the Government of the United 
states, or otherwise? a. I should say that the public was quite ready 
to await the result of deliberations in Washington. Q. Was there in 
the minds of the opponents of the Provisional Government any 
disposition to commence hostilities against it? A. Not at all.

I have read the foregoing and they are accurate reports of my 
interviews with Mr. Blount. 

(Mr. B. said it was unnecessary for Gulick to certify to this.- E. M.) 

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.	745

No. 23.

Statement of Charles T. Gulick.

Col. J. H. Blount,
United States Commissioner, etc.:
Dear Sir: I send you by bearer a very hastily prepared sketch of 
some features of Hawaiian History with our present conditions in 
view. Time has not permitted of as careful an arrangement and 
comparison of facts and analysis of motives as I could have wished, 
but if the sketch assists in the most humble way in arriving at true 
understanding of our situation, my object will be fully attained. I 
have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, 
Chas. T. Gulick.
May 8, 1893
_____________________________________________________________
___________ 

A FOOTNOTE TO HAWAIIAN HISTORY- MAY 8, 1893.

In order to arrive at anything like a true understanding of the 
present condition of affairs in our little Kingdom and the conflicting 
influences and interests to which may be attributed the unfortunate 
order of things now existing, it would seem necessary to take a brief 
glance at the last seventy years of the nation's history with that 
object in view. In the year 1820 a little band of Puritan missionaries, 
in number four, with their wives, landed on these shores, the 
ostensible object of their visit being to evangelize the heathen, or, in 
the words of a quotation frequently made by themselves from their 
principal text-book, to preach "glad tidings of good things." They 
seemed to wish it understood that they were actuated by a self-
sacrificing charity and devotion rivaling, if not superior to, that of 
Paul and his associated and followers when he started out on a 
similar errand, and this view of the case does not seem so 
unreasonable when we take into consideration the fact that our 
Puritan friends were taking their chances in what was to them a 
veritable terra incognita, while the first apostle, instead of pointing 
for Scythia with his momentous message, preferred to work the most 
brilliant centers of ancient civilization, where he would be much 
more likely to find people and conditions congenial to his cultivated 
tastes. The worldly goods of the newcomers were few indeed, and 
their intellectual stock in trade was almost as beggarly, consisting for 
the most part in a number of trite quotations from the Puritan Bible, 
worn threadbare with constant and injudicious use. They were 
welcomed by a race of incomparable physique, open-hearted, 
generous, and hospitable to a fault, qualities which to the average 
New Englander (such, for instance, as were sent here with the 
Redeemer's message seventy years ago), accustomed to the withering 
narrowness and penury of his native land, were as strange as a 
quadratic equation to a Hottentot. In fact, the newcomers were so 
overshadowed by the importance of their "message," as well as 
themselves, that they had no time to throw away on the amenities of 
life which are so highly valued under conditions of our more 
advanced civilization, and mot wholly despised by even barbarous 
people. They found the Hawaiian in that state of mental evolution, 
which would have gladdened the heart of the earnest philosophical 
teacher. 

746	HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

He had already realized that he had outgrown the trammels of his 
idolatrous religion, and that the mysteries and mummeries of its 
priesthood were worse than folly, and had just returned from a 
gleeful dance around the bonfire of the trumpery connected with the 
superstitions of the past. He received the newcomers with open arms, 
in the simplicity of his heart, not doubting but that they would give 
him something better that what he had just thrown away that would 
satisfy, morally and mentally, the craving of his better nature, Our 
Puritan friends were more fortunate than their brethren of the South 
Seas, where tradition would have us believe that missionary on toast 
was a favorite delicacy. They had no war to wage against the Prince 
of Darkness, no settled evil notions and vices to combat, no idolatrous 
of pagan religion to overturn, no conquest to make conquering "foot 
by foot from barbarism," as Gen. Armstrong would have us believe in 
his letter to the New York Independent, of May 30, 1889. They found 
the door wide open. A pleasant expectant face and beckoning hand 
encouraged them to enter; they did not hesitate a moment, but 
dropping their manners outside with that exasperating brusqueness 
which they have taken fine care to hand down to their children's 
children even to the present day, they bounced right in. The simple 
islanders crowded around them, loaded them with presents, gave 
them lands of their own selection, built them houses and churches, 
furnished them with food, and besought them for instruction. The 
immense council houses of the chiefs were not large enough to hold 
the vast throngs which assembled to hear them relieve themselves 
from time to time of a portion of the "message;" consequently open 
air meetings were resorted to, the size of the audiences being limited 
only by the range of the speaker's voice, and as the stomach and 
lungs of our friends were the best developed organs of their 
equipment, they sometimes spoke to immense gatherings. The 
mental development which prompted the Hawaiian to destroy his 
wooden deities and relegate the priests to more useful employment 
enabled him to discover at very early stage that something was 
lacking in the new teachers. To his disgust, he found that the 
veneering was very thin and that from his standpoint at least, in 
accepting the new doctrines and forms in place of those just cast 
aside, he was trading one set of mummeries for another without any 
perceptible gain or advantage. He found that the new teachers were 
not only human (which of course he expected, as the day when his 
grandfather had looked upon Capt. Cook as a deity had long gone by), 
but he found also, that they were prompted by motives and guilty of 
actions which he and his race despised and was endeavoring to rise 
superior to. His knowledge of the would, outside of his own people, 
being limited to the few visitors who had touched on his shores 
during the twenty or twenty five years preceding the advent of the 
newcomers, and the still fewer foreigners who had made their 
homed with him during that time, did not help him to determine 
where the difficulty lay, whether in the teachers, the doctrines 
taught, or in both, and he desired to see something of the outside 
would for himself. 
The King and a strong delegation were accordingly sent to England. 
While there it was learned that there were other teachers equally 
capable or possibly better, and other religions more ancient and very 
likely more satisfying to the hungry soul than those he had so rashly 
taken to his bosom in 1820. These things could not be known without 
a trial, 

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.	747
and accordingly an invitation was extended to the Catholics to send 
teachers, who in due course of time arrived at the islands. Our 
Puritan friends had about ten years the start on their Catholic 
brothers in the race to deliver the "message" to the simple islander, 
during which time they had made good use of their opportunities. 
Notwithstanding this great advantage, they did not look, with favor 
on the advent of their Catholic brethren. In the first place there was 
one quotation from their text-book peculiarly applicable to the 
present case (and they were nothing, if not strong on quotations). 
which was, "Thou shalt have no other Gods before me," and then the 
Catholic brother had a little different version of the "message." The 
encouragement which our Puritan friends had received at the start 
had made them aggressive, and they had, by successive steps, 
directed with more skill than has been shown by any of their 
descendants, secured the virtual control of the Government, which 
has , however, been continually denied by them all until the 
appearance of Armstrong's letter in the Independent of the 30th 
May, 1889, referred to above. The Government at that time (about 
1830) was a monarchy assisted by a council of Chiefs. During the 
decade following 1830, the little original band of "message" bearers 
received very considerable additions to their ranks, all being 
recruited from the same uncompromising, intolerant stock from 
which the first were drafted, the recruits, with one or two exceptions, 
being of the $200-a-year class of New England Parsons. They were 
never noted for individual aggressive courage, but numbers, as with 
(baser mortals), gave them assurance, and a taste of power 
sharpened their cupidity. The Catholic (or anyone, for that matter, 
outside their own pale) was an interloper who must be routed at all 
hazards. This they endeavored to do through the agency of the chiefs, 
while keeping themselves in the background, so that should odium or 
failure attend their efforts, they could disclaim any responsibility in 
the matter. Their machinations resulted in the disastrous occurrences 
of 1839, 1843, and 1848, the details of which can be gleaned from 
the newspapers and histories of those times, and are entirely in 
keeping with the recorded characteristics of the gentle Puritan from 
the first day that his dirty paw smudged the pages of European 
history. They managed in a degree, hardly comprehensible at this 
date, to retain their hold on not only the chiefs but the common 
people, and their dictum was supreme in every sphere, social, moral, 
governmental, and even individual. As a consequence some of the 
most absurd regulations were promulgated, the ears and claws of a 
few still showing themselves in the Hawaiian statutes of to-day. The 
country was dotted all over with unnecessary churches, Kawaiahao 
among the number, built by the painful labor of the uncomplaining 
native to satisfy the wishes of his teachers and everything was 
subordinated to the one idea of religion as they taught it. The 
advantage of teaching their willing pupils any of the arts of 
civilization and at the same time instructing them haw to avoid the 
pitfalls of the new order of things never seems to have entered their 
heads. The consequence was that as far back as 1840 there were 
graduates of Lahainaluna (the mission high school on Maui) who had 
passed creditable examinations in Conic sections, who had to don the 
malo and go into the taro patch if they desired to earn an honest 
living, not having been taught a single practical ides which would 
assist them in earning a living in a civilized way. As a matter of fact 
such genuine benefactors of the Hawaiian race 

748	HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
as Locke of Waialua, Oahu, Goodrich of Hilo, Whitney of Waimea, 
Kauai, and Shipman of Kau, Hawaii, who endeavored to teach the 
people of their respective districts to work as civilized men, with 
modern tools, and to improve their homes and take a civilized and 
intelligent care of their families, were frowned upon and denounced 
by the balance of their devout brethren for neglecting the all-
important "message." The unwavering loyalty of the people to their 
teachers, under the circumstances, speaks volumes for the constancy 
of the old-time Kanaka.
About the beginning of the decade commencing with 1840, the 
commercial interests of the country demanded a more formal 
government and governmental methods conforming in a measure to 
those of the nations with whom it was in communication. Persons 
capable of assisting in the work of reorganization were not plentiful 
and the chief naturally looked to their spiritual advisers for 
assistance, as they had been instructed from the beginning that there 
was nothing on the earth or in the heavens above or in the waters 
under the earth beyond their ken.

Again luck favored our Puritan friends. It would never do to have it 
appear that they sought secular employment and preferment. 
Equally impossible would it be for them to permit any except the 
Lord's anointed to embrace such an opportunity. Consequently, under 
cover of the plea of the necessity of getting the permission of the A. 
B. C. F. M., which at that time took a whole year, they perfected their 
plans, and Judd, Richards, Armstrong, and Andrews rather 
ostentatiously severed their outward connection with the mission 
and took positions under the Government, or more properly 
speaking, took the Government. This was just into their hands; 
nothing could have been finer. And from this time on, through all the 
various changes and vicissitudes of fortune, they looked upon the 
little kingdom as the veritable promised land, and taught their 
descendants to recognize and claim it and all belonging to it, together 
with the reversion and reversions, remainder and remainders, rents, 
issues, and profits thereof as their rightful heritage for all time. The 
development of the whale fisheries of this ocean and the increased 
commerce resulting therefrom brought to these shores quite a 
number of visitors of various nationalities during the decade under 
consideration, some of whom became permanent residents. Many of 
these people were men of education, knowledge of the world, and 
more than usual ability. These were confronted by a singular social 
condition of things not a little puzzling to the uninitiated. Our Puritan 
brethren had by this time increased in numbers to such an extent as 
to form a community of their own, and, as before remarked, were 
drafted from a stratum of society which was not only destitute of the 
advantages of social training and polish, but which with genuine 
loyalty to their creed and their history, affected to despise the 
manners and courtesies which amongst civilized nations are the 
evidences of good breeding. With them the sum of all the virtues 
consisted in the exhibition of those Puritanical characteristics so 
familiar to the reader of English history, and the moral obliquity 
which prompted them to haze the Catholic out of the vineyard caused 
them to surround themselves with a barrier or social exclusiveness 
as impenetrable as an East Indian caste. An exception, however, was 
made in favor of those who were sufficiently hypocritical to make a 
pretense of adopting their creed and outwardly conforming to their 
ways. These being the conditions of social recognition, it will be 
readily 


HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.	749
seen that the recruits from what they were pleased to term the 
"world's people" were, with scarcely an exception, the most unworthy 
sneaks whom greed of gain had tempted so far from home. And in 
some cases, family and business alliances the most incongruous were 
made with persons of more than doubtful morality, if judged by the 
Puritan standard. It must not be forgotten, however, that deviations 
from their generally exclusive rule had, in almost all cases, solid 
material advantages to commend them- considerations which the 
Puritan has never yet been known to ignore.
The Hawaiian, at this period, presents many interesting and curious 
features to the student of history. The memories of the great 
Kamehameha had not lost their influence, and the ruling chiefs, in 
many cases, proved themselves not unworthy successors to the 
founder of Hawaiian unity, giving evidence of firmness, moderation, 
and judgment which challenge the admiration of all who are 
acquainted with the complicated problems demanding their solution 
at this stage of their national existence. Their reception of the white 
men was altogether unique. History furnishes no parallel. While in all 
time and in every part of the world the colonization of a superior 
race has been vigorously resented and repelled by force of arms, 
usually resulting in the ultimate subjugation or extinction of the 
aborigines, the Hawaiian welcomed his white visitor, encouraged him 
to remain, adopted his religion and dress, aped his manners, sought 
his instruction, and finally asked his assistance in framing a 
government of a civilized model. A reception so unusual was quite to 
the taste of our "message" bearing friends, who did not fail to make 
the most of it, while some of the world's people were more modest, 
as appeared at the time of the election of representatives to the first 
Legislature in 1845, when the Hawaiians urged their white friends to 
accept their suffrages and show them how to carry on the business of 
legislation, they themselves being desirous of learning the methods 
of representative government before assuming any responsible part 
in its management. All the lands, without exception, belonged to the 
Crown and to the heads of the powerful chiefly families. Without 
hesitation the chiefs enfranchised the common natives and divided 
the lands between the Government, themselves, and the people, 
giving titles in severalty on terms which have commanded the 
approval of all acquainted with the conditions. Up to this time the 
nation had encountered no serious difficulties excepting those 
occasioned by following the advice and instructions of the "message" 
bearers, which were prompted by a selfish jealousy of all others in 
the field. In arranging the machinery and perfecting the methods of 
government it was very soon discovered by everyone outside their 
own following that the unassisted efforts of the "message" bearers 
were wholly unequal to the task; consequently the services of such 
men as Wyllie, Robertson, Record, Lee, and others, professional men, 
not of the fold however, were secured, and the little nation very soon 
took its place in the great family of independent states by virtue of 
treaties negotiated with rare tact and good judgment, chiefly through 
the efforts of Wyllie. By 1853 the little ship of state was fairly under 
way. Representative Government was running smoothly, and the 
common people were learning their duties as freeholders, and taking 
such part in public affairs as their intelligence fitted them for. 
Honolulu had become an important shipping port not unknown in the 
business centers of the 

750	HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
world. The permanent white population of the city and the Kingdom 
had rapidly increased, and in cultivation and general intelligence was 
probably above the average of communities of its size, as people who 
go to settle so far away from home are usually the most enterprising 
among their fellows. This class of people was sufficiently numerous 
in the city itself to form a separate community of society, as it were, 
who were in the habit of thinking and acting for themselves, and to 
whom the little country owed most, if not all, the standing it held 
abroad.
This class lived on the best of terms with the Hawaiian chiefs and 
people, some of them having formed matrimonial alliances with the 
native families of the higher grades. Our Puritan friends did not look 
with any more favor on this class than they did on the Catholics, 
meting out to them but scant courtesy, and but little, if any, of that 
Christian charity of which they were presumed to be the exemplars. 
In fact, they had no use for anyone whom they could not bully and 
browbeat into a cringing sycophant or a willing tool. They took the 
most offensive ways of reminding people of their supreme hold on 
the King and Government, quite in keeping with their early training, 
of the lack of it, wholly and contemptuously ignoring such men as 
Wyllie and Robertson, who had done the work and gave character to 
the Government under the new conditions. This state of things could 
not last long and resulted in the appointment, after several popular 
meetings, of a committee of 13 citizens (some of them now living), 
who waited on His Majesty Kamehameha III, demanding the 
dismissal of Judd and his associates. This was readily acceded to, but 
not without some expressions of surprise on the part of the King and 
his native advisers at the existence of such a bitter antagonism 
between people of a race claiming so great a superiority to the 
Hawaiians. The common natives were bewildered at the exhibition. 
They attended the meetings without taking part. As their fathers, 
shortly after welcoming the first sky pilots, saw reason to repent of 
their rashness, the sons began to entertain grave doubts with regard 
to the wisdom of the new tinkers in Governmental affairs, as well as 
to the results of their tinkering. The effect on our "message" bearers 
was indescribable. Each one of the 250 odd men, women, and 
children belonging to their guild looked upon the downfall of the 
Judd cabinet as a personal calamity. They realized that the heritage 
was in danger. This was the first genuine setback they had ever 
experienced. For the next twenty years the Government, while by no 
means perfect, was, under the virile rule of the last of the 
Kamehamehas, administered with evenhanded justice, having regard 
for the interests of all and endeavoring to secure the greatest good to 
the greatest number. During this time the most capable men in the 
realm, regardless of nationality or creed, were called upon to assist 
the head of the nation with their counsel. This call did not, however, 
at any time during this period include any member of the Puritan 
guild, whose interests were not by any means ignored, as some of 
their members were honored with subordinate appointments, where 
they could do no harm. During all this time- there was no publication 
which would admit their drivel but was loaded with their complaints, 
and no pulpit into which they could climb but resounded with their 
wails and maledictions. Another page of history is completed and the 
Puritan is again in luck. The last of the Kamehamehas is gathered to 
his fathers at the close of 1872, and as the Hawaiian saw the last 
representative of his race 

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.	751
who had strength and genius enough to keep ahead of the wheels of 
the juggernaut of human progress enter the family mausoleum there 
is little wonder that his grief was inconsolable and that he gave 
himself up to despair. Poor Lunalilo, a weak, but in some respects 
brilliant, offshoot of the old stock, was unanimously elected to the 
vacant throne, as by law provided. Our "message, " bearing friends, 
all but famished from their long fast, were at his collar in a moment 
and never let go their hold till they dropped him in the grave, after 
only one brief year of power. As was their traditional custom, they 
had again made the most of their opportunities, securing as many as 
possible of the subordinate offices, positions on the various boards, 
Privy Council, House of Nobles, etc.
During the reign of Lunalilo the course of events was somewhat 
modified by an element not altogether unknown, but exceedingly 
distasteful to our friends, in the person of Walter Murray Gibson. The 
throne was again filled by the election of Kalakaua in1874. As Prince 
Lunalilo was, according to the Hawaiian standard, of a chiefly rank 
superior to that of any one living at the time of his election to the 
throne, he had no competitors, and his elevation to an heretofore 
hereditary throne by a popular election seemed ton no way to affect 
the current of events. The position was looked upon as almost his by 
right of inheritance, and was cheerfully confirmed to him by legal 
formalities. When, however, it became necessary to fill the throne a 
second time in the same way the whole situation was quite different. 
The oft repeated statement that "Paris is France" might with perfect 
propriety be paraphrased to apply, during the period under 
consideration, to the little capital city of Honolulu, which, in almost 
every sense, was to all intents and purposes the Hawaiian Kingdom. 
The only safe harbor for deep-water vessels was here, all the 
business agencies were located here, and all the enterprises 
throughout the Kingdom centered in and were controlled from the 
city. During the twenty years since we last noticed the make-up of its 
society, the conditions had somewhat changed and should claim our 
attention for a moment. Social and business methods had, so to 
speak, crystallized; several commercial houses had been established, 
which, in all respects, would compare favorably with the best in any 
large seaport; a bank had been opened, having correspondence with 
all the principal business centers of the world; newspapers in the 
Hawaiian and English languages had been established, and had a 
wide domestic circulation; foreign churches, benevolent societies; 
Masonic and other lodges were organized and in a flourishing 
condition; the American, English, and German people had 
representatives amongst the permanent residents of the city from 
almost every grade of society in their respective nations; in fact, the 
city was as fairly a representative cosmopolitan community on a 
small scale as San Francisco or New York. The whaling business had 
declined, and attention of late had been directed to agricultural and 
grazing ventures which were fairly remunerative, and if the 
American tariff were not in the way (European markets being 
beyond our reach) would to all appearances be opulence itself. 
Serious efforts had therefore been made for several years to, in some 
way, get over this tariff by annexation, reciprocity, or a remission of 
duties on Hawaiian products entering American markers. The first 
method was not popular with the Hawaiian nation at large, the third 
was impossible from an American standpoint, consequently the inge- 

752	HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
nuity of the best contrivers in the little Kingdom was strained to the 
utmost to convince American statesmen that 2 and 2 made 5, and 
that great material advantages would inure to the Republic through a 
commercial treaty of reciprocity with Hawaii. The native Hawaiian 
understood little or nothing of the force of the project, and failed to 
see wherein he would be benefited, but as his white friend and guest 
so greatly desired its consummation, he, as usual, good-naturedly 
assented and rendered such assistance as he could to bring about the 
desired end.
The foregoing in brief was the condition of things business generally 
slack, profits uncertain, and the reciprocity treaty hanging fire in 
Washington, when the 12th of February, 1874, arrived. This was the 
day appointed by Ministerial proclamation for the Legislature to 
assemble and fill by ballot the place made vacant by the death of 
Lunalilo. The Legislature met. There were but two candidates, Queen 
Emma and David Kalakaua. Queen Emma was the choice of the native 
Hawaiian population, almost to a man; but saint and simmer for once 
met on common ground and decided to, if possible, defeat the wish of 
the people by securing the election of Kalakaua. The reasons for the 
union of effort, on the part of people so radically antagonistic, to 
compass the election of Kalakaua are worthy of attention. As has 
been heretofore mentioned, a reciprocity treaty with the United 
States, or something equivalent thereto, had for some time been 
looked upon by the majority of the business community as being the 
only salvation. This view had been almost universally adopted by the 
American Missionaries, their descendants and associates. It may be 
here remarked as a significant fact that with two exceptions, the 
children of the missionaries neglected to enter the chosen field of 
their fathers, they seeming quite content to let the souls of the gentle 
islanders take their chances, while for themselves they generally 
preferred lined which gave promise of more tangible rewards for 
thrift and energy. The wisdom of their choice being at the present 
time amply demonstrated by the enormous annual gains of some of 
their number, which far outrun the wildest dreams of romance, as 
for instance, Baldwin, with a net gain for the year 1889 of over 
$3000,000, followed closely by the Wilcoxs, Bailey, Alexander, Castle, 
Cooke, Rice, and a number of others hardly less fortunate. It may also 
be remarked at this time that the term "missionary," which to those 
acquainted with the general relationship of individuals, business 
enterprises, etc., is quite clear and definite, to the uninitiated is likely 
to be misleading and requires a word of explanation. The nature of 
their society and the methods of recruiting from the "outside world" 
have been before alluded to, and with this in mind it will be readily 
seen that the missionaries, at the time of which we are treating, 
included in their fold a large number who could lay no claim to this 
designation except in so far as they acted with the saints when that 
balance of the world was to be beaten, and made a pretense of 
covering their moral nakedness form time to time as suited their 
convenience with a cloak of religious hypocrisy. The members of this 
guild, more especially the original missionaries, considered 
themselves and taught their children to feel that they occupied a 
moral and social plane far above not only the native Hawaiian, but all 
"outsiders" of their own race. In fact, the missionary placed between 
his own family and the generous-hearted islander whom he came 
across the sea to pilot the way to everlasting life, a chasm far more 
difficult to bridge than ever existed between the 

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.	753
"haughty" Southerner and his African slave. Fortune favored the 
guild with material wealth, and it might with truth be said that the 
financial resources of the country were practically in their hands. It 
did not take long for this class to be designated the "Missionary 
party, " by which term it is mow generally known. This is, however, 
periodically resented by members of their guild in the newspapers of 
the day- sometimes snappishly, and at others with a whine.
The foregoing little digression seems necessary to explain the 
situation and, to be brief, the Missionary party espoused the cause of 
Kalakaua with the view of reinstating themselves in the position they 
enjoyed before the downfall of Judd, not doubting that the new King 
would prove a willing tool to act their bidding. David's impecuniosity 
and other social disabilities seemed to them sufficient ground for 
believing that ordinary gratitude, if no other motive, would induce 
him to heed their instructions. On the other hand, Queen Emma was 
surrounded by and under the control of individuals and influenced 
not only inimical to the "Missionary Party," but to a treaty of 
reciprocity with the United States, or, in fact, any other compact 
which might, even remotely, threaten the autonomy of the Kingdom. 
She was a member of the Anglican Church in Honolulu, and her 
principal advisers and associates were British people, all of whom 
were opposed to any American alliance, excepting a certain few 
whose interests were such as to be favorably affected by a 
modification of the tariff on Hawaiian products entering American 
ports, in their case self interest triumphed over patriotism and they 
either remained silent or sided with the "Missionary Party," which 
was, by the way, at this time, the only class which deserved the 
name of a "party", all others were simply "outsiders". By law, the 
selection was in the hands of the Legislature, consisting of about fifty 
members, over two-thirds of whom were native Hawaiians. This 
simplified the manipulation of the business very much, and for the 
first time in the history of the nation the white man applied to the 
most important election ever held in the Kingdom the methods so 
common in the ward politics of New York and other American cities 
thereby grossly deceiving the people, controventing the popular will 
and ultimately gaining thedesired end by the election o Kalakaua. For 
the first time in his experience, More than fifty years after he had 
first welcomed his white brother to his shores and besought his 
instruction in the ways of civilization and religion, the Hawaiian 
found himself face to face with the bugbear of race prejudice. It was 
a new and strange element to him which he did not understand and 
for which he was not responsible. The men like Wyllie, Robertson, 
Harris, and their associates who had formulated for him methods of 
government, foreseeing the possibility of the intrusion of this 
prejudice in the affairs of state, had diligently guarded against such a 
catastrophe and as long as their counsels prevailed the danger was 
averted.

FR94-APPII-48

754	HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
not to be indifferently dealt with. After the usual wire pulling the 
game was called and the saints showed up with the practical control 
in almost every branch of the public service, Cabinet, Supreme Court, 
Board of Education, Bureau of Surveying, etc.
The inchoate American reciprocity treaty was a matter of so much 
importance, meaning as it did success or failure to almost every 
enterprise in the Kingdom outside of the capturing of fish and the 
manufacture of poi, that after the first grab and snarl over the 
plums, all whose interests were to be affected by the change of tariff, 
united in as cordial a manner as might, for instance, the fiercer 
animals of a menagerie when confronted by a common danger in a 
supreme effort to secure its ratification. The aged Chief-Justice Allen, 
of the Supreme Court, was relieved or his duties on the bench and 
dispatched to Washington armed with a high-sounding title to 
represent the interests of the little country (or rather its moneyed 
and planting interests), and urge on the treaty to its final ratification. 
A better choice could not have been made, as Judge Allen was a 
typical American politician of large experience in his native land 
before coming to Hawaii, and both training and self-interest united in 
causing him to put forward his best efforts to ensure the success of 
the mission entrusted to his care. A trump card in the game was to 
send the King to Washington and show to the Republicans the 
anomaly of (as Barnum would have put it) the only King on earth 
who owed his throne to, and reigned by the will of the people, and 
not by the grace of God. Accordingly the King, accompanied by a staff 
of officers selected for the trip, visited America's capital, also several 
other principal cities, and for the time being, in physical proportion 
to say the least, was "bigger man than Grant." During the period of 
waiting for Uncle Sam to make up his mind to grant their request, 
our little insular community put in the time pulling faces at one 
another, intriguing for and securing positions for themselves and 
their favorites. In this contest the Missionary party were generally 
consistent and loyal to themselves, whilst outsiders had to fight their 
battles singly, having only the support of their personal friends. The 
Honolulu newspapers of the years 1875 and 1876 contain usual 
bitterness, which, in the Legislature of 1876, culminated in an open 
feud, A majority of the assembly was native Hawaiians, with six or 
seven British, and the remainder Americans, German, and half-caste. 
The native Hawaiian leaders were not all dead, and some of the 
brightest then living were in the house; amongst them were Aholo 
and Pilipo. The quarrel was confined to the white members, and took 
the form of determined effort to unseat the cabinet. The wrangle was 
boisterous, filled with bitter personalities, and in every way 
unseemly. It continued for three days, the native members 
remaining mute spectators during the whole time. In the afternoon 
of the third day, all the contestants being blown, question was called. 
The native members glanced around to Pilipo as one who might say a 
word for them touching the situation. Pilipo arose with great 
deliberation, addressed the chair, asked the indulgence of the house 
for a few moments, and reminded the interpreter that as what he 
was about to say was intended especially for his "whit brethren," he 
wanted his views made very clear to them. Pilipo proceeded, and as 
he warmed to the subject, his few moments extended to an hour and 
a half, compassing one of the most scathing, 

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.	755
eloquent addresses ever heard in the house, and what proved to be 
almost the last effort of the kind by a Hawaiian Orator worthy of 
notice. The interpreter did his duty well, and the word pictures 
presented for the consideration of Pilipo's "white brethren" were 
very sharply outlined and anything but flattering to their vanity. The 
orator briefly reviewed the history of the intercourse of foreigners 
with his own race, something after the fashion of this sketch, 
amplifying where it best suited his purpose. He dwelt at length of the 
errand of the missionary to these shores and his agency in 
instructing the Hawaiian in the ways of religion and civilization. He 
painted in vivid colors the picture of the three days' wrangle just 
past, making sarcastic comparisons and comments on the whole.
The effect of the speech was indescribable. Those of his hearers who 
had not taken part in the quarrel could scarcely restrain themselves 
from violating the dignity of the house by giving the orator an 
ovation. Even at this time the Hawaiian did not realize that his "white 
brother" and guest had got tired of him, and had been so long the 
recipient of his hospitality that he looked upon his privileges as 
vested rights and preferred to enjoy them to the exclusion of the 
host. At last the good news came. the treaty was reality. Then came 
the rejoicing, firing of guns, display of fireworks, and the like. Those 
who were to be the most benefited by it and who made the most 
noise over its consummation never in the wildest flights of fancy 
dreamed of the success in store for them. Had they been told that 
they, descendants of shirt sleeves, with no more claim to a pedigree 
than a Government mule, would, each one of them, be within a 
decade in the yearly receipt of an annual income equal to many of 
the noble families of Europe, who trace their lineage through a host 
of distinguished ancestors for hundreds of years back, they would 
have been offended as being made game of. This, however, is the 
fact, and until "the frost, the killing frost," of the McKinley bill 
"nipped their root" there was every prospect of a very material 
increase of their prosperity form year to year as long as the terms of 
the treaty were in force, Coal Oil Johnny's success has had several 
counterparts in the Paradise of the Pacific, not follower, however, by 
Johnny's improvidence, as it is hardly likely that should the 
descendants of the penurious New Englander suddenly find that the 
earth beneath his feet had turned to gold he would spurn it on 
account of its abundance. This phenomenal good fortune was turned 
into the laps of the few, however, the many having to be content 
with the crumbs, so that the condition of the little paradise is in 
many respects somewhat similar to that of Athens under the thirty 
tyrants. In the struggle for position and power the churchman forgot 
his creed and the sinner gave rein to his passions, while both ignored 
the interests and rights of the Kanaka. These facts were seized upon 
by Gibson (of whom mention has already been made) and shown up 
in both Hawaiian and English newspapers with great clearness and 
skill. The thorough literary Bohemian that he was, he also possessed 
a much greater knowledge and experience of men and affairs, 
diplomacy, an statesmanship than people of his class usually have, 
and, in fact, had forgotten more moves and tricks in the game now on 
the board than all the rest of the players ever knew. Among the 
native Hawaiian population he, of course, very soon gained a large 
following, which was supplemented by a not inconsiderable portion 
of the foreign residents of various shades of opinion, who supported 
his views to a greater or less degree. It hardly needs mentioning that 
the missionary party from 

756	HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
the first looked with aversion and distrust on his appearance in the 
political arena.
These sentiments in a short time ripened into enmity and hatred, 
and for the genuine, consistent passion there is hardly a shadow of 
doubt the Puritan stands ahead, more especially when it is directed 
against an opponent of greater ability than he possesses himself, of, 
in other words, who draws too much water for him. Gibson was 
elected to the assembly in 1878, and, being returned each session till 
called upon to form a cabinet, he displayed many of those qualities 
which are so essential to the success of the political worker, and 
worried the souls of all the saints and quite a number of the sinners 
without rest or intermission. The prizes were getting larger and the 
points of vantage more important every day, and the contest waxed 
fiercer all the time. Lands, contracts, and franchises were increasing 
in value and must be secured at all hazards- by fair means if 
possible, by foul if necessary. Fair means were out of the question, as 
the arena was so small that no move could be made without the 
knowledge of all the contestants, and the native officials and 
legislators soon learned a new lesson (new to them) in politics, to wit, 
that official position had a money value, conveniently measured by 
the purses of those requiring their assistance. In a short time the 
native Hawaiian, from the most obscure voter to the King himself, 
was so thoroughly debauched by the white man's gold that his 
standard of right and wrong was almost if not wholly destroyed, and 
his moral sense of personal rectitude was completely dulled by 
sophistry, gin, and coin. A truly deplorable condition, for which saint 
and sinner are about equally responsible. As an example of the 
methods adopted by those who would violently resent the charge of 
anything bordering on dishonorable conduct of unfair means, it may 
be mentioned that one of the numerous ministries (cabinets) of this 
period, one that was as fairly representative as any that ever filled 
the position, and who were earnestly endeavoring to perform their 
duties, while consulting with and receiving advice from prominent 
members of the business community were being undermined by the 
very men with whom they were in communication, and who were 
fairness itself to the faces of the cabinet. Compensation came, 
however, in a singular way. The two-faced gentlemen did not feel 
themselves strong enough to carry out their plot single-handed, so 
they made overtures to Gibson, making all sorts of fair promises, 
which no one knew better than Gibson himself were never intended 
to be fulfilled. They were not wise in approaching a player so far 
their superior in a game of this kind, After playing one crowd against 
the other until he learned what each held, Gibson, with the most 
bland and easy manner imaginable, dropped both sides, stepped in 
and took the bun without any trouble whatever, formed a cabinet of 
his own, much to the amusement of the native Hawaiian, who as 
heretofore was not a party to the contest. The disappointment and 
rage of the defeated contestants were truly pathetic, To be beaten 
was bad enough, but to be caught in one's own trap, sold, and 
laughed at by even the Kanakas was too much, "Eternal enmity to 
Rome and fealty to Carthage" was but an empty vow in comparison 
with the oath by which the schemers bound themselves each to the 
other to compass the final ruin of the man who had held them up to 
public ridicule. Fort Street Church (now Central Union Church) was 
organized in 1852, the Honolulu Chamber of Commerce a few years 
later, and the Planter's Labor and Supply Company soon after the 
ratification of the 

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.	757
treaty, the three together containing the whole of the missionary 
party, together with a small sprinkling of those who did not wholly 
sympathize with their views and aspirations. On the accession of 
Gibson to position and power a general tarpauline muster of all the 
brains in the crowd was made, committees were appointed, 
resolutions passed, memorials prepared, appeals and petitions 
drawn; in fact the maggot bed had a spasm which threatened as 
serious consequences to the patient (i. e., the maggot bed) as 
sometimes follows a congestive chill. They appealed to the American 
Minister resident (Daggett), carried in solemn procession their 
memorials and petitions to the King, and prayed to the Lord 
Almighty- all without any apparent result. Gibson compassed the 
whole in replies and dispatches which were respectful, polished, and 
diplomatic, and which might have served as forms for them in their 
future correspondence. He remained unshaken.
It very soon became apparent that he was the rallying point for the 
native Hawaiians, who, under his guidance and tutelage, were 
beginning to learn, and in a measure appreciate the relation of 
matters, and to assert their rights in the land of their birth. No 
sooner did the Missionary party understand this new feature of the 
game than without hesitation they unblushingly proclaimed the 
Kanaka must go. They conveniently forgot the errand which 
ostensibly brought their forefathers to these shores, despised the 
rights of hospitality, an, blinded by cupidity, worked themselves up 
to the point where they were prepared to override and trample upon 
any and all rights and interests not in harmony with their own. In 
short, certain of their number did not hesitate to say that the money 
and thrift of the white men having made the country what it was, it 
was high time that it should be made in fact, as well as appearance, a 
white man's government. This was the attitude assumed in the face 
of the fact that ever since the foundation of the Government under 
its present form, the chief judicial, executive, and diplomatic offices 
had been voluntarily conferred upon foreigners, the Hawaiian having 
a laudable desire to be represented by at least one position in the 
cabinet. Up to this time no demand on his generosity had been 
refused. The sugar plantations of his whit brother required cheap 
labor. He, without hesitation, voted from the public treasury large 
sums to defray the expense of scouring the would to satisfy the 
demand. China, Japan, the South Seas, Germany, and Norway, were in 
turn thoroughly tried as sources of supply. The demand far exceeded 
the supply, and at the urgent request of his white brother, he threw 
open the flood gates in 1881 and thousands of Chinese swarmed in 
his shores in a yellow tide that brought with it not only all the vices 
of the pagan Asiatics, but also an epidemic which laid 300 native 
Hawaiians corpses forever to rest in the sands of the quarantine 
station at Honolulu, and cost the public treasury $110,000 in cash. 
The production of sugar by Chinese coolies was not looked upon with 
favor by our California friends, but labor must be had, and the 
Hawaiian was again called upon to lend his assistance to the 
introduction of the less objectionable Japanese. Again he yielded, 
only to find that he had at last practically voted away the avenues of 
occupation for his own countrymen, and had, at the crafty solicitation 
of those whom he had supposed to be his friends, filled his country 
with a heterogeneous horde of pagans and worse, far outnumbering 
his own people, with whom they had little or nothing in common, and 
who, 

758	HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
like his white brother, were beginning to look upon the Hawaiian as 
an intruder on his own soil.
To the saintly Puritans and their successors all this had no weight 
and was unworthy of their notice. There was too much in the pot to 
run the risk of any accidents, and the only sure way to success was 
to blow out the lights, snatch the pot, and jump the game. But while 
our friends of the "Missionary party" possessed wealth enough to 
corrupt the Russian Empire, and were actuated by all the sentiments 
required to overturn the would, they yet lacked two very essential 
elements to success, which were intelligent leadership and pluck 
sufficient to carry the scheme into execution. While they longed for 
the possession of the coveted prize, they were in no hurry to risk 
their own precious carcasses in securing it, and consequently cast 
about for some accommodating cat to reach after the chestnuts for 
them. The right kind of a cat was not just to hand, and our friends 
had to content themselves, for a few years longer, with putting up 
their money lavishly on elections and subsidizing every vagrant 
Bohemian blackguard within reach to write libelous matter for the 
local and foreign press, denouncing the Government and every one 
connected therewith. By continual hammering, a sentiment of 
antagonism to the Hawaiian Government and more especially to the 
native Hawaiians themselves was propagated, chiefly amongst 
comparatively new comers who knew nothing, and cared less, of the 
history of the country and who were quite ready to look upon the 
native much in the same way as the western pioneer does on the 
Comanche Indian. A suitable cat was at last found in the person of a 
Canadian adventurer, who possessed the necessary ability to 
organize and encourage, to execute the plans of usurpation, and who 
far surpassed his employers in the possession of the common 
honesty to frankly avow at the start that, while glory might gave had 
some attractions for him in his tender youth, coin was at present his 
strongest incentive to action, and that his zeal would be measured by 
the amount in sight. All was satisfactorily arranged with little delay, 
the cat receiving a handsome subsidy from both side without the 
knowledge of the other, and the conspiracy was in running order in a 
short time. Our missionary conspirators justified their course with 
the hollow pretense that they were seeking the adoption of 
governmental reforms which could be secured in no other way than 
by violence. They raised their hands in holy indignation and horror 
at such ill-advised schemes as the "kaimiloa" the genealogy board, 
and royal cemeteries, and works failed the in expressing their 
detestation of the Aki opium swindle and kindred irregularities. 
While little or nothing can be said in defense or extenuation of the 
follies referred to, it would seem not out of place to note the fact 
that, from a moral and financial standpoint, their injury to the 
commonwealth was trifling in comparison to the damage done by the 
eccentricities of the conspirators' favorites, which left their marks on 
the waterworks of Nuuanu Valley, the reservoir and land damages in 
Makiki, the quarantine graveyard at Honolulu, the South Sea 
immigration venture of the barque Hawaii, the "Likelike" and bellows 
opium business, and a score of other outrages of a similar nature 
which were hushed up, whitewashed, or hidden from the public as 
far as possible. During the first half of the year '87 the conspirators 
were busy perfecting their plans. A league was formed, a large fund 
subscribed, and members sworn in, at first with some care, but as 
their numbers grew they gained confidence and relaxed their 
circumspection. Waifs from 

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.	759
all parts of the world, temporarily stranded on these shores, were 
attracted by all sorts of impossible promised of official employment 
as soon as the move became a success. The "Honolulu Rifles," a 
battalion of four companies, wholly composed of Europeans, armed 
and equipped at the expense of the Hawaiian treasury, was organized 
and drilled incessantly. Arms and ammunition in large quantities 
were imported and distributed. Mention should not be omitted of the 
fact that during all the excitement of these stirring times the quality 
of thrift was not for a moment lost sight of by the saints, as they 
generously imported military equipments, costing $6.50 per man, 
which they supplied to the members of the league and such others as 
they thought could be trusted at $18 and upwards.

Nor must it be lost sight of that the sentiment of self-preservation 
was always strong in the breasts of the saints, and on this occasion 
was developed in a rather quaint and amusing way. When their 
commander began making assignments to duty he overlooked this 
quality in a portion of his band and made a pardonable mistake of 
distributing to some of our friends tasks the fulfillment of which 
might be attended with a possibility of personal danger. He was 
quickly reminded that in great enterprises affecting the fate of 
nations it was not usual to expose the Marlboroughs and Napoleons 
of the movement to the possibility of being snuffed out; in other 
words, our friends recognized themselves as the brains of the crowd, 
and they did not propose to run any personal risk, but would at all 
times hold themselves in readiness to give chin music in unlimited 
quantities, seasoned from time to time with small allowances of coin. 
The organization of the conspiracy was much more complete perhaps 
than movements of this kind usually are. It had its military 
commander; council of thirteen, otherwise known as the committee 
of "public safety," and which was the fountainhead for all orders; its 
military force, uniformed, fully equipped, and drilled, ready at a 
moment's notice to obey without question any orders from the 
committee of "public safety;" a large body of citizens, fully armed and 
supplied with ammunition, who had familiarized themselves with the 
use of their weapons by frequent target practice during several 
months past- in fact, it was as completely organized as Hawaiian 
Government itself, and , as it turned out, much better handled. Of all 
the foregoing the Government was from time to time fully informed, 
and the indifference of pretended disbelief of Gibson in the existence 
of any thing out of the usual course, or which would be likely to 
make trouble, is difficult to reconcile with his habitual astuteness. 
However, this was about the condition of things during the latter 
days of June, 1887. Fully prepared as the organization was for 
immediate action, the leaders were at a loss jut how to begin. The 
country was apparently at peace with all the world, and more 
especially with itself. All the functions of the Government were being 
performed as usual, the courts were disposing of the business 
brought before them without interruption, and to a stranger just 
arrived nothing unusual would appear to be in the wind. 
Consequently, it was not quite clear how to proceed. A committee of 
public safety was bent double with the weight of an indefinable 
responsibility, and yet it was not quite apparent just what they were 
called upon to save, as the public peace and safety did not somehow 
appear to be in any immediate danger, unless from the committee 
themselves and their satellites. But something must be done, and 
that very soon, as it would never do 

760	HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
to allow of even a little time for thought, which would inevitably lead 
to a reaction, when all would be lost.
In order to make the initiatory movement appear to the outside 
would as springing from a popular demand for the correction of 
abuses, it was decided to hold in the Rifles Armory, on the 30th of 
June, a public meeting to which all were invited without regard to 
nationality, and in order to guard against any miscarriages in their 
designs the Rifles in uniform, with arms and ammunition, were on 
hand, ostensibly to preserve order. Some of the speakers addressed 
the assembly while in uniform, holding their weapons in one hand, 
while they frantically sawed the air with the other and ranted about 
reform. The subject introduced, and on which they intended to 
justify their course, was a wholesale amending of the faulty 
constitution of 1864. This, by the way, was the hollowest of all their 
hollow pretenses, as a constitution had already been prepared by 
them for a republican form of government, and which, of course, 
contemplated the deposition of the King and compete remodeling of 
the governmental machinery. The meeting was attended pretty 
generally by the European residents, and a few Hawaiians, attracted 
by curiosity as their fathers had been on a somewhat similar 
occasion thirty-four years before. It was quite evident from the very 
beginning that there was no intention on the part of the conspirators 
to permit of anything like a free discussion of the subjects of public 
interest, as a speaker was listened to and permitted to speak only so 
long as he echoed the sentiments of the league. Any suggestion of a 
constitutional convention or of a submission of a constitution to a 
vote of the people was immediately drowned in angry yells. (See 
"Sketch of Recent Events," p. 15) The object which the meeting was 
advertised for, to-wit, discussion, was not allowed. A number of 
harangues, sounding strangely in these latter matter-of-fact years of 
the nineteenth century, were followed by the reading and adoption 
of an already prepared set of demands on the King, which were 
intended to be so exacting as to ensure their immediate rejection. 
The meeting adjourned, and the committee presented the demands 
to the King, who immediately yielded to them all without 
modification. The "committee of public safety" charged themselves 
with the care of the town, and the little praetorian guard of the 
Honolulu Rifles were assigned to various points. The ready 
acquiescence of the King to their demands seriously disconcerted the 
conspirators, as they had hoped that his refusal would have given 
them an excuse for deposing him, and a show of resistance a 
justification for assassinating him. Then everything would have been 
plain sailing for their little oligarchy, with a sham republican 
constitution. Mow, the only thing to be dine, so far as they could see, 
was to make without delay a constitution conforming to their 
demands and submit it for his (the King's) signature. This was no 
small job for the class of workmen at their command. There seemed 
to be no help for it, and the maggot bed took another spasm. The 
little hole in the corner, self-constituted constitution-framers tackled 
the business off hand and wrestled with their self-imposed task for a 
whole week. "Parturient montes," etc., was distances, and on the 6th 
of July, 1887, they presented a constitution which was signed by the 
King with as little delay as he had shown a week previous- a 
constitution which, until signed and promulgated, had not been seen 
even, to say nothing of being studied and discussed, by more than 
two score of people, and these being exclusively conspirators. 

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.	761

This hardly deserves the qualifying statement that the conspirators' 
constitution was shown to some of the judges of the Supreme Court 
before it was signed and promulgated, as it was shown to them in 
about the spirit that many people seek advice from their friends 
when they have no intention of following any advice at all at 
variance with their own views. A cabinet from the "committee of 
public safety" took the portfolios. Gibson and his son-in-law 
lieutenant were arrested and placed under a guard of the Rifles and 
league, which were now in undisputed possession of the Government 
and all belonging to it. The anomalous condition of affairs now for the 
first time began to dawn on the more thoughtful participants in the 
conspiracy, a number of whom had gone into the scheme with and 
honest desire for reform and a general correction of abuses, and to 
whom the awkwardness of their position now became apparent. The 
ease with which the overturn had been effected proved a source of 
embarrassment to the revolutionists, who found themselves on 
possession of everything in sight without striking a blow of firing a 
shot, and the heterogeneous crowd now began to eye each other 
suspiciously with the view of determining who could be dropped out 
in the distribution of the spoils. The instincts of the Puritan marred 
the success of the scheme almost from its birth. The native Hawaiians 
had no part in the business, and within a week after the 
promulgation of the new constitution the saints were devising 
methods for ridding themselves of the inconvenient partnership of 
those of their own race who were outside the pale, but whose 
presence and help had made the undertaking possible. During the 
whole period of incubation of the precious conspiracy they (the 
saints) held meetings to which only the elect were called. These 
select gatherings were continued after their accession to power, and 
at one of them, held on the 7th or 8th of July, 1887, Dole (the present 
chief of the Provisional Government) made the remark, while 
treating of the unfortunate necessity to which the Lord's anointed 
had been subjected of accepting the assistance of the unwashed, that 
in a short time, as soon as they had settled themselves fairly into the 
saddle, they would be able to get rid of the presence of the Canadian 
"as one would throw away a dirty dishrag," accompanying the 
remark with a fitting gesture and suggestive grimace. The only 
justification of the revolutionists for seizing the reins of power and 
overturning the Government was the crying necessity for the 
correction of abuses and the immediate prevention of continued 
malfeasance in the administration of the several departments. 
Consequently they lost no time in employing an expensive staff of 
experts and proceeding to an exhaustive examination in every 
direction which would be likely to prove anything irregular against 
either or both the King and his prime minister, Gibson. In spite of 
their most strenuous efforts, extending over a period of more than 
two months, the scheme resulted in a miserable failure, as their 
ferrets could find nothing on which to base a charge. But they were 
not to be foiled in their determination to get revenge on the man 
who had so long held them at bay. An adventurous strumpet was 
induced by them to bring a suit for $10,000 damages for a breach of 
promise of marriage against Gibson, he being out of the country at 
the time. A jury was easily found to assist in the fraud, and the 
amount claimed was awarded in full. A greater outrage on an indi- 

762	HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
vidual, or more abominable travesty of justice, never before received 
the sanction of a Hawaiian court.
The new cabinet, backed by the praetorian guard of "Honolulu rifles, 
" decided on making a show to the world and at the same time 
demonstrating to the native Hawaiians how insignificant a factor 
they had become in the land of their birth, A general election of 
members of the Legislature was ordered for 15th September, 1887, 
within the lines of the new constitution, and under regulations which 
the revolutionists were confident would preclude the possibility of 
any failure in their schemes. The division of the whole country into 
"districts," "wards," and "precincts," and the organization of political 
clubs, with the peculiar technical slang of the ward bosses, were new 
and novel features in the Paradise of the Pacific; but the business 
was pushed forward with a zeal worthy of better cause, and a whole 
crop of McLeans, McLeods, McStockers, O'Raffertys, and the like, 
bloomed out like magic as managers and instructors in the science of 
how to beat an overwhelming majority of the honest citizens at the 
polls. Nor were any of the minor details overlooked. The swaggering 
gait, tilted hat, humped shoulder, and leering stare of the ward 
bosses made the stranger from New York and San Francisco fool 
quite at home, and gave unmistakable assurances of our being fully 
abreast of the age, The missionary of the present generation became 
an apt pupil of the scoundrel, who was an adept in all the black arts 
by which the will of the people is defeated at the ballot box. In due 
course the election was held, and the results showed how perfectly 
the organization of the revolutionists had been carried out. Only two 
independent native Hawaiians out of forty eight elected members 
were returned to the assembly, and these two were practically under 
the control of the machine. The average standard of intelligence of 
the Legislature was much lower than that of any Hawaiian 
Legislature either before of since, and included such men as Notley, 
Wall, Makee, the two Dowsetts, father and son, the Wilcox brothers, 
George and Albert deacon, and the like; men who were selected 
because they could be depended upon to vote straight without any 
danger of their giving trouble by having views of their own. The 
mental and moral obliquities of the lawgivers were plainly outlined 
in their physical deformities, as seven-eighths of the whole number 
were either pigeon-toed, knock-kneed, or bow-legged, and served as 
excellent illustrations of the well-known physiological principle or 
truth of the general harmony of mental and physical attributes. The 
history of the session and the character of the work done did not in 
any way disappoint those at all acquainted with the personnel of the 
honorable body. The speakers and leaders in the Assembly, without 
exception, were members of or under control of, the Missionary 
party, and the whole business of the session was carried through on 
the "cut-and-dried" principle. The main object in view was to 
emphasize their contempt for the King, his native subjects, and all 
other who were not in sympathy with the revolutionists, and at the 
same time to strengthen, by suitable legislation, their hold of the 
situation. When they felt they had attained their object they 
adjourned, "subject to the call of the President of the Legislature," 
avoiding prorogation, thereby still further showing their 
determination to arrogate to themselves all the functions of 
government. The community, the nation at large, soon realized that 
instead of being ruled over by one king, who, however injudicious he 
might be at times, never failed to realize that he was the first 
gentleman of the 

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.	763
realm, they were being ruthlessly dominated by four kings who were 
personifications of arrogance and boorish ignorance. There 
management of the several departments, distribution of patronage, 
and haughty indifference to the wishes of those who had helped 
them to power caused an inevitable revulsion amongst their own 
adherents, to say nothing of the increased alienation of the native 
Hawaiians, who now began to understand and feel the indignities 
heaped upon them.
It was plain to be seen that the coming election, not far distant, 
would show a decided change very likely disastrous to the saints. In 
the meantime a few ill-advised natives, with R. W. Wilcox at their 
head, and secretly supported and encouraged by some disaffected 
foreigners, made an abortive attempt to emulate the example of the 
Missionary party by presenting to the King a constitution which 
would restore the conditions previous to June 30, 1887. The leaders 
had reckoned without their host. They led a few hundreds of natives 
to the palace before daylight in the morning, expecting by 7 o'clock 
they have several thousands to support them. In this they were 
disappointed, as the movement was not popular with the Hawaiians 
generally. And by 8 0'clock those in the palace yard realized their 
situation and would have gladly surrendered to anyone having 
authority to demand it. When the news of the affair spread over 
town our missionary friends were dismayed, and had no idea of what 
to do, as there seemed to be little inclination of the part of the public 
to help them out. However, their old tactics good them in good 
service, and by 10 o'clock in the forenoon, by the time-honored trick 
of promises on coin, they got together a motley body of sharpshooter 
to attack the comparatively defenseless people in the palace grounds. 
The attacking party occupied the buildings surrounding the palace 
yard, and from safe point of vantage began a fusillade fatal to the 
Kanaka, the missionaries themselves taking the greatest delight in 
"picking them off, " as Dole and others of ilk who participated in the 
sport expressed it. If the Hawaiian needed any further proof of the 
true sentiments cherished for himself by the descendants of the old 
missionary teachers, the savage alacrity with which they seized the 
first opportunity to shoot him like a rat in a hole form sage cover 
would seem to have been sufficient to dispel any remaining doubt. 
The general election of 1890 came off in due time, and, as was 
anticipated, a cold wave swept over the hopes and plans of the 
revolutionists and left them without a majority in the house. They 
plainly saw that all their expenditure of time of time and pains and 
(what to them was the most heartsickening of all) money was total, 
dismal failure, as, with all their talk about free and representative 
government, they had no grounds for complaint if they could not 
control the necessary voted. Consequently they immediately began to 
scheme on a different line, having in view the extinction of the 
nation, as such, and accordingly laid their plans for annexation to the 
United states, Just exactly what advantaged the saints expected to 
secure to themselves by such a move is not quite clear when it is 
remembered that the very essence of the Government of the great is 
that the voice of the majority shall rule. It can only be presumed that 
they had their own selfish ends alone in view, as in this respect they 
had always been thoroughly consistent, and their past history 
precludes the possibility of supposing that any consideration for the 
welfare of the nation had cut any figure in their scheme. It has been 
suggested that the 2 cents per pound bounty made 

764	HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
their months water. To imagine this to have been the prompting 
motive would be to place them on about the same plane of 
intelligence with the African ostrich with his beak in the sand, or the 
Irishman who sawed off the limb on which he was standing , 
between himself and the trunk of the tree. Whatever the true causes 
may have been which led to this course, the fact remains that they 
bent their energies with untiring zeal to the accomplishment of the 
object, and Col. Spalding, Judge Hartwell, and Thurston, each in turn, 
made special visits to Washington of this errand, with what success 
the public, of course, never ,earned; but from later developments 
there would seem to be reason for believing that the revolutionists'' 
emissaries found some comforting warmth in the bosom of that 
statesmanship which conceived, and endeavored to put in force, the 
peculiar views with regard to the Monroe doctrine a dozen or so 
years since and the Pan-American scheme of a later date.
As soon as they found that the Queen was not disposed to yield a 
blind obedience to their bidding the saints transferred to her all the 
bitter malevolence which they had heaped upon her brother 
(notwithstanding the fact that she had very lately been so much of a 
favorite with them that they had seriously contemplated setting her 
up in his place), and the measure of their vindictiveness knew no 
bounds. They had cheerfully accepted her always liberal 
contributions to their church, educational, and charitable objects, and 
no sacred of social function was complete without her presence, and 
for years past they had sought her membership of all their 
benevolent and church societies. The greatest show of deference and 
obsequious homage was always made by them all when before her, 
and not opportunity was lost by any of them to secure invitations to 
the palace, and they took especial pains to have strangers 
understand that they were on the best of terms with the head of the 
nation. But when their emotional tide turned there was nothing too 
gross for their devilish ingenuity to lay to her charge. Moral 
depravity and superstition too coarse for description by any except 
their own filthy scavengers were imputed to her and paraded in 
their publications in the most offensive and loathsome manner. As an 
example of what the motherly members of the Central Union Church 
have been in the habit of retailing to strangers with regard to her, 
the following choice bit may serve as a type:

For several years passed the Queen has supported at her own 
expense upwards of 20 destitute native Hawaiians girls at Kawaiaho 
and other mission schools, and when they graduated, in many cases, 
she settled them in life, assisting them in securing homes with 
suitable husbands. When the Saints frowned on her they could see 
nothing but the most contemptible motives back of her philanthropy, 
and they did not hesitate to say that the girls were merely supported 
by the Queen for sole purpose of being distributed amongst her 
favorites when their charms were sufficiently developed. 
Illustrations like the foregoing might be multiplied indefinitely. The 
feature most difficult to account for in the attitude of the saints is, 
that while the Queen might naturally come in for a large share of 
their ill-will as having been a marplot to their schemes, why should 
they show hatred for the native Hawaiian race. Their local 
publications, the Friend, Gazette, Daily Advertiser, etc., seldom 
appeared without containing some heartless libel of ungenerous slur 
against the Hawaiians either as individuals of as a race or nation. 
Descendants of the old stock, such as S. E. Bishop, S. C. Armstrong, H. 
M. Whitney, W. R. Castle, and a number of others, who screened 
themselves form identi- 

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.	765
fication by writing anonymously-prepared elaborate libels on the 
Hawaiian people for publication in American periodicals. They 
worked with the genius of inspiration and the industry of honest 
men to in every way defame the people for whom one would think 
they could entertain only the most friendly and generous sentiments 
to the latest generation.
A notable example of their efforts in this line is the screed prepared 
by Bishop entitled (See page 3 of pamphlet herewith) "Why are the 
Hawaiians dying out?" The author endeavored to shield himself from 
criticism behind the specious pretext of "scientific investigation," and 
first made public his diatribe by reading it before one of the 
numerous admiration societies controlled by the saints in Honolulu, 
known as the "Social Science Association." The document is a model 
of ingenious combination of truth and falsehood, which are 
sufficiently well interwoven to give a certain air of severe scientific 
fairness to the heartless production. Affection a display of analytical 
acumen, the author proceeds to divide up and classify the reasons for 
his belief that the final extinction of the Hawaiians (so devoutly 
hoped for by him and his friends) is near at hand. First amongst the 
causes selected is "unchastity" -under which heading he tells us that 
"the Hawaiian female was aggressive in solicitation," and that this 
astounding and unseemly peculiarity "was a matter of good form." 
The writer hereof can only say, in reply, that a continuous residence 
of over forty years in this Kingdom and an intimate association with 
the natives of every grade from the peasant to the head of the nation 
has discovered to him no such custom of weakness, and it would 
seem not unreasonable that the author of the libel should be called 
upon to raise his hand and make affidavit whether at any time 
during his long experience- from tender infancy (for unfortunately 
he was born here) to the hoary old age now vouchsafed to him- he 
ever met an Hawaiian damsel who had so far forgotten the instincts 
of womanhood as to voluntarily seek his loathsome embraces. It is 
altogether unlikely that the aged traducer would face the 
proposition. The charge coming from this source seems all the more 
gratuitous when it is remembered that a large number of half-castes 
of both sexes, ranging from infancy to middle age, throughout the 
Kingdom are living proofs of the moral weaknesses of some of the 
anointed and their white descendants. If the saints prove anything 
they would seem to prove too much by their continued efforts to 
belittle the Queen and her race. If she and her people are as bad now 
as they represent them to be what is to be said of all the prayerful 
work of the good missionary fathers and mothers during the last 
seventy years? If their picture is a true one then the million and a 
half of money, made up from 5 and 10 cent American Sabbath-school 
subscription, together with a few death-bed legacies of Puritan 
fanatics, which has been expended for the evangelization of the 
Hawaiians would seem to have been worse than wasted. The 
impartial observer is not, however, led to this conclusion. He finds 
that the Hawaiian has made very commendable progress on the road 
to civilization during the two and a half generations last past; that for 
a half century he has had a representative government, which, so far 
as he himself (the Hawaiian) is concerned, would compare favorably 
with that of any nation of the face of the globe; that the little 
Kingdom occupies an honored position in the family of nations, 
having treaty relations with all the commercial nations of the earth 
and being a member of the Universal Postal Union, with a 
representative in the congress at Geneva; that the standard of 
intelligence amongst the 

766	HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
native Hawaiians is higher than that in any other nation in the world, 
illiteracy being practically unknown; and that, above all, he finds the 
native Hawaiian a peaceable, law-abiding citizen, not nearly so prone 
to violence and riot as his white brother. He finds further that, 
notwithstanding their unfortunate experience with some of the 
foreign residents in their midst, the people are endowed with a 
genial friendliness and hospitality, frankness and courtliness of 
manner, which, in many respects, makes them the peers of any race 
living, and strikes the stranger with wonder who has become 
familiar with the libelous charges so industriously circulated against 
the Hawaiians.
Returning to the political attitude of the saints, we find that the 
arrival of United States Minister Stevens gave a new impulse to their 
machinations. On his first presentation to the King, he presumed to 
give His Majesty a lecture in such an offensive manner as to tempt 
the King to abruptly terminate the interview and to request his 
recall. Actual rupture on the occasion was , however, narrowly 
avoided and from this time on the American legation was the 
rallying point for the missionary annexation party. During the session 
of the Hawaiian Legislature of 1892, Hartwell, Smith, Castle, 
Waterhouse, Thurston, Dole, Judd (the chief justice), and other 
leaders of the party were in the habit of meeting there from time to 
time to plan the overthrow of the monarchy without endangering 
their own precious carcasses. They had secured, at no little expense, 
the services of a cat in 1887 to get the chestnut for them, which 
through ignorance and carelessness they subsequently lost. It had 
been an expensive and sorrowful lesson to them. Now if they could 
only induce Stevens to take the part of the cat in the new venture it 
would be a great improvement on their first effort. In the first place 
it would be much less expensive (which to the was of prime 
importance), and in the next place, they imagined that the backing of 
the United States troops would give greater assurance of success then 
the undisciplined and ungovernable rabble of volunteers, of whom 
they had had a disagreeable experience in the times subsequent to 
their first revolution. Stevens was only too glad of the opportunity to 
act as the cat, and with a powerful war vessel in command of a 
willing tool, the setting of the game was easily completed. The 
attitude of the American minister and his satellite, the Commander of 
the U. S. S. Boston, also the clandestine meetings at the American 
legation above referred to, were maters of public notoriety and as 
early as August of September of last year it was at first mysteriously 
hinted and later more openly asserted that the American minister 
would recognize without delay any movement for the overthrow of 
the monarchy and would give it the physical support of the men 
form the Boston, and it was further generally understood and spoken 
of, that the revolutionary annexationists, with Stevens and Wiltse 
(the commander of the Boston) at their backs, or more properly in 
the lead, were only waiting for a favorable opportunity to strike. The 
opportunity, or excuse, come on the 14th of January, A. D. 1893, 
culminating in the events of the 16th and 17th days of the same 
month. The revolutionists proclaimed a Provisional Government form 
the steps of the Government building at 2:40 o'clock in the afternoon 
of the last named day, which was immediately recognized by Stevens 
with the assurance that the new Government would receive the 
support of the Boston's men who had been quartered the day before 
alongside of and in practical possession of the Government building. 
The revolutionary annexationists, in justification of their action, have 
raised the old cry of 1887, of the necessity of stable government, 
proper 

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.	767
representation, honest administration, prevention of riot and 
bloodshed, maintenance of law and order, etc..., when as a matter of 
fact there is not now, and never has been, the least danger of 
disorder or opposition to law except at the hands of revolutionists 
themselves. The rant in the speeches at their meeting in the Rifles' 
armory on the 16th of January, and in their "proclamation," and the 
mock heroic utterances of Wilder (see Two weeks of Hawaiian 
History, pages 15 and 16) when he assumed the chairmanship of the 
meeting are amongst the poorest examples imaginable of a stale 
herring drawn across a trail. There has been no fraud discovered nor 
malfeasance unearthed, nor great wrong righted; in the contrary 
thefts and spoliations have been committed under the very noses of 
the Provisional Government with apparent impunity, the probability 
being that exposure would be disagreeable, as it would be likely to 
implicate more or less distinguished members of their own precious 
crew.
The bald fact stands out in plain view to day, exactly as it did in 
1887, that the sole prompting motive of the missionary 
revolutionists was in both cases a lust of power coupled with a desire 
to possess themselves of the property of another without giving 
compensation therefor, sentiments which they enjoy in common with 
the vulgar highwayman and his more gentlemanly prototype, the 
filibuster. As they could not have held together for an hour without 
the assistance of the United States officials and forces, the singular 
spectacle is presented of a United States naval commander in 
Honolulu protecting a band of filibusters with the forces under his 
command while they overturn and destroy a Government between 
which and his own country special treaty relations of amity and 
commerce were in full force and unimpaired, and at the same date, 
due east about 5,000 miles as the crow flies, another naval 
commander, under the same flag, blockades a filibustering force in 
Key West to prevent it from making a descent on a friendly power. 
The question naturally arises: Why this difference? What had little 
Hawaii done that she should merit such treatment? About 5 o'clock 
in the afternoon of Monday, the 16th day of January, A. D. 1893, a 
large detachment of marines and sailors from the United States ship 
Boston, lying in the harbor of Honolulu, landed without permission or 
request from the Hawaiian Government, and took position in King 
street between the Government building and the palace. The belts 
filled with ammunition, also haversacks and canteens, and were 
accompanied by a Gatling gun battery, also a field hospital corps. 
Between 7 and 8 o'clock the same evening the force was quartered in 
the building immediately in rear of the Music Hall, being within half 
pistol shot, and in practical possession of the Government bu